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The Great Paradox--that is what future generations will likely call this era, and rightly so. Our children's children will look back and see that just a few years after the deregulatory agenda of anti-government ideologues resulted in a horrific recession, American politics somehow became even more dominated by anti-government zealotry than ever before.
The Great Paradox--that is what future generations will likely call this era, and rightly so. Our children's children will look back and see that just a few years after the deregulatory agenda of anti-government ideologues resulted in a horrific recession, American politics somehow became even more dominated by anti-government zealotry than ever before.
Logic-wise, the situation seems to make about as much sense as the alcoholic drinking more to cure his addiction. Politics, though, is no longer even mildly related to logic. It's all about perception. And with so many media outlets using scare and scandal to chase audience share, "government" is now presented in almost exclusively headline-grabbing--and therefore negative--terms. Think: wasteful bank bailouts, never-ending wars, outrageous sexual escapades and any other government-themed stories that entice you to read, listen, watch, click and loathe.
The dynamic, of course, has disconnected the "government" brand from what Cornell University professor Suzanne Mettler calls the "submerged state"--i.e., the government services that we like but that we don't notice. We're talking about noncontroversial stuff like picking up trash, putting out fires, paving roads and paying out earned benefits. When those functions are performed properly, they rarely receive recognition as government successes because, by definition, performing them properly means being fast, efficient and thus almost invisible.
Mettler's upcoming book details exactly how the twin phenomena of sensationalism and submergence have conspired to sow mass cognitive dissonance. Citing findings from her nationwide survey, she shows that while most Americans conceptually support submerged-state pillars like federal education tax credits, student loans and mortgage interest subsidies, a majority of those benefits' recipients nonetheless tell pollsters they "have not used a government social program."
Certainly, some of that comes from the same ignoramuses who tell their congressional representatives to "keep your government hands off my Medicare." And some of it represents the willful dishonesty of self-professed conservatives who are too embarrassed to admit they utilize the government programs they purport to detest. However, the data also suggest that because so many submerged-state policies are successful and inconspicuous, we have come to reflexively define "government" as only those spectacular failures that fill the evening news.
This selective psychological framing goes a long way toward explaining the Great Paradox--and Mettler's study suggests that paradox will likely intensify in the age of Obama.
As her book shows, Americans become more supportive of government after using "visible social programs," but they do not become more supportive of government after using submerged-state programs. Again, that's because many don't recognize they are interfacing with government--a problem exacerbated by a president who hasn't reminded America of government's worth.
Indeed, upon taking office, Barack Obama decided first to shun his explicitly pro-government campaign platform and then to mimic Ronald Reagan's anti-government posture. Rather than champion those "visible social programs" like a public health care option or a new Works Progress Administration that might broadcast government's intrinsic value, he merely pushed to expand the submerged state with initiatives like private health insurance subsidies and business tax cuts--and that was before Republicans took control of the House.
Today, the president has abandoned even those weak early efforts. Promoted with the Orwellian oxymoron "cut and invest," his new austerity budget endorses a tax-slashing, government-demonizing competition between the White House and Congress. Instead of seizing a teachable moment and challenging the Great Paradox, he's placing a big bet on it--a bet that shifts from meekly supporting the submerged state to submerging the state entirely.
Sure, his re-election campaign may benefit from that wager in 2012. But with our public sector so dangerously depleted, America will likely lose big for years to come.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
The Great Paradox--that is what future generations will likely call this era, and rightly so. Our children's children will look back and see that just a few years after the deregulatory agenda of anti-government ideologues resulted in a horrific recession, American politics somehow became even more dominated by anti-government zealotry than ever before.
Logic-wise, the situation seems to make about as much sense as the alcoholic drinking more to cure his addiction. Politics, though, is no longer even mildly related to logic. It's all about perception. And with so many media outlets using scare and scandal to chase audience share, "government" is now presented in almost exclusively headline-grabbing--and therefore negative--terms. Think: wasteful bank bailouts, never-ending wars, outrageous sexual escapades and any other government-themed stories that entice you to read, listen, watch, click and loathe.
The dynamic, of course, has disconnected the "government" brand from what Cornell University professor Suzanne Mettler calls the "submerged state"--i.e., the government services that we like but that we don't notice. We're talking about noncontroversial stuff like picking up trash, putting out fires, paving roads and paying out earned benefits. When those functions are performed properly, they rarely receive recognition as government successes because, by definition, performing them properly means being fast, efficient and thus almost invisible.
Mettler's upcoming book details exactly how the twin phenomena of sensationalism and submergence have conspired to sow mass cognitive dissonance. Citing findings from her nationwide survey, she shows that while most Americans conceptually support submerged-state pillars like federal education tax credits, student loans and mortgage interest subsidies, a majority of those benefits' recipients nonetheless tell pollsters they "have not used a government social program."
Certainly, some of that comes from the same ignoramuses who tell their congressional representatives to "keep your government hands off my Medicare." And some of it represents the willful dishonesty of self-professed conservatives who are too embarrassed to admit they utilize the government programs they purport to detest. However, the data also suggest that because so many submerged-state policies are successful and inconspicuous, we have come to reflexively define "government" as only those spectacular failures that fill the evening news.
This selective psychological framing goes a long way toward explaining the Great Paradox--and Mettler's study suggests that paradox will likely intensify in the age of Obama.
As her book shows, Americans become more supportive of government after using "visible social programs," but they do not become more supportive of government after using submerged-state programs. Again, that's because many don't recognize they are interfacing with government--a problem exacerbated by a president who hasn't reminded America of government's worth.
Indeed, upon taking office, Barack Obama decided first to shun his explicitly pro-government campaign platform and then to mimic Ronald Reagan's anti-government posture. Rather than champion those "visible social programs" like a public health care option or a new Works Progress Administration that might broadcast government's intrinsic value, he merely pushed to expand the submerged state with initiatives like private health insurance subsidies and business tax cuts--and that was before Republicans took control of the House.
Today, the president has abandoned even those weak early efforts. Promoted with the Orwellian oxymoron "cut and invest," his new austerity budget endorses a tax-slashing, government-demonizing competition between the White House and Congress. Instead of seizing a teachable moment and challenging the Great Paradox, he's placing a big bet on it--a bet that shifts from meekly supporting the submerged state to submerging the state entirely.
Sure, his re-election campaign may benefit from that wager in 2012. But with our public sector so dangerously depleted, America will likely lose big for years to come.
The Great Paradox--that is what future generations will likely call this era, and rightly so. Our children's children will look back and see that just a few years after the deregulatory agenda of anti-government ideologues resulted in a horrific recession, American politics somehow became even more dominated by anti-government zealotry than ever before.
Logic-wise, the situation seems to make about as much sense as the alcoholic drinking more to cure his addiction. Politics, though, is no longer even mildly related to logic. It's all about perception. And with so many media outlets using scare and scandal to chase audience share, "government" is now presented in almost exclusively headline-grabbing--and therefore negative--terms. Think: wasteful bank bailouts, never-ending wars, outrageous sexual escapades and any other government-themed stories that entice you to read, listen, watch, click and loathe.
The dynamic, of course, has disconnected the "government" brand from what Cornell University professor Suzanne Mettler calls the "submerged state"--i.e., the government services that we like but that we don't notice. We're talking about noncontroversial stuff like picking up trash, putting out fires, paving roads and paying out earned benefits. When those functions are performed properly, they rarely receive recognition as government successes because, by definition, performing them properly means being fast, efficient and thus almost invisible.
Mettler's upcoming book details exactly how the twin phenomena of sensationalism and submergence have conspired to sow mass cognitive dissonance. Citing findings from her nationwide survey, she shows that while most Americans conceptually support submerged-state pillars like federal education tax credits, student loans and mortgage interest subsidies, a majority of those benefits' recipients nonetheless tell pollsters they "have not used a government social program."
Certainly, some of that comes from the same ignoramuses who tell their congressional representatives to "keep your government hands off my Medicare." And some of it represents the willful dishonesty of self-professed conservatives who are too embarrassed to admit they utilize the government programs they purport to detest. However, the data also suggest that because so many submerged-state policies are successful and inconspicuous, we have come to reflexively define "government" as only those spectacular failures that fill the evening news.
This selective psychological framing goes a long way toward explaining the Great Paradox--and Mettler's study suggests that paradox will likely intensify in the age of Obama.
As her book shows, Americans become more supportive of government after using "visible social programs," but they do not become more supportive of government after using submerged-state programs. Again, that's because many don't recognize they are interfacing with government--a problem exacerbated by a president who hasn't reminded America of government's worth.
Indeed, upon taking office, Barack Obama decided first to shun his explicitly pro-government campaign platform and then to mimic Ronald Reagan's anti-government posture. Rather than champion those "visible social programs" like a public health care option or a new Works Progress Administration that might broadcast government's intrinsic value, he merely pushed to expand the submerged state with initiatives like private health insurance subsidies and business tax cuts--and that was before Republicans took control of the House.
Today, the president has abandoned even those weak early efforts. Promoted with the Orwellian oxymoron "cut and invest," his new austerity budget endorses a tax-slashing, government-demonizing competition between the White House and Congress. Instead of seizing a teachable moment and challenging the Great Paradox, he's placing a big bet on it--a bet that shifts from meekly supporting the submerged state to submerging the state entirely.
Sure, his re-election campaign may benefit from that wager in 2012. But with our public sector so dangerously depleted, America will likely lose big for years to come.