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Tax Cuts Move US Closer to Fiscal Crisis
President Barack Obama is receiving congratulations for moving
to the center on the tax agreement with Republicans last week.
Both sides think they got something: Democrats feel this will
nudge unemployment below 8.5 percent in 2012, helping the president
get re-elected; Republicans achieved long-standing goals on
measures such as the estate tax and think they will get most of the
credit for an economic recovery that's already under way.
Dec 30, 2010
President Barack Obama is receiving congratulations for moving
to the center on the tax agreement with Republicans last week.
Both sides think they got something: Democrats feel this will
nudge unemployment below 8.5 percent in 2012, helping the president
get re-elected; Republicans achieved long-standing goals on
measures such as the estate tax and think they will get most of the
credit for an economic recovery that's already under way.
The truth is, the deal moved us closer to a fiscal crisis, just
as the euro zone now is experiencing.
Who will emerge on top in the U.S. version is harder to predict;
at the moment, Republicans have the edge. But it's not clear even
they will be happy with what they wished for -- an opportunity to
enact massive federal government spending cuts.
The central conceit behind official thinking about fiscal policy
on both sides of the aisle is that investors will buy almost all
U.S. government debt without blinking an eye or increasing Treasury
yields. This is an endearing and heart-warming notion, rather like
a seasonal showing of Jimmy Stewart in "It's a Wonderful Life."
What it should do is force us to think about how much the world
has changed and how antiquated such ideas are today.
The United States is steadily losing its global economic and
financial predominance. To be sure, we offer the largest amount of
government debt on the market, but investors have plenty of choices
around the world, both in terms of debt and other assets. The idea
that our Treasury market will be buoyed by captive investors,
whether the Chinese central bank or anyone else, is quaint and at
odds with today's reality.
Remember that we run a large current account deficit, so we need
to take in new foreign capital every day just to maintain our
lifestyle. So this isn't just about foreigners refusing to
understand the American debt dream.
It's true that the euro zone has had a rocky ride in recent
months and we shouldn't expect those countries to sort out their
problems soon. Another round of serious euro sovereign debt issues
is likely as we head into the spring.
But the euro leadership will sort itself out; there is too much
on the line. A stronger and more Germanic core of the euro zone
will establish its fiscal credibility and its resilience.
The key to debt sustainability isn't how much revenue the
government can raise relative to gross domestic product or some
other economic characteristic. It's whether a country has the
political will to raise taxes or cut spending when under pressure
from the financial markets.
This is where Greece and Ireland were found wanting in 2010;
we'll see how Portugal, Spain, Italy, Belgium and perhaps even
France do in 2011. Then it will be the turn of the United
States.
The issue isn't whether we can muster a bipartisan consensus to
cut taxes; this is easy to do. But can our politicians agree on
what to do when 10-year Treasury yields surge, interest payments
soar and there are concerns about the rollover of our relatively
short-term government debt?
One response is: The Federal Reserve won't let this happen and
will use another round of quantitative easing or some other
innovation to hold down long rates. Maybe so, but 10-year benchmark
rates have spiked in the past month or so, and mortgage rates --
presumed to be the Fed's target -- have gained more than half a
percentage point from recent lows.
At this point, we will have only two choices: Raise taxes or cut
spending. Given that the Obama administration is unprepared for
this scenario, and has no sensible tax reform plans under way, this
gives an opportunity to Republicans intent on big spending cuts.
For anyone hoping to "starve the beast," this will be a historic
opportunity.
But there's a problem. The U.S. government doesn't take in much
tax revenue -- at least 10 percentage points of GDP less than
comparable developed economies -- and it also doesn't spend much
except on the military, Social Security and Medicare. Other parts
of government spending can be frozen or even slashed, but it just
won't make that much difference.
That means older Americans are going to get squeezed, while our
ability to defend ourselves goes into decline. Just because there's
a bipartisan consensus on an idea, such as tax cuts, doesn't mean
it makes sense. Today's tax cutters have set us up for tomorrow's
fiscal crisis and real damage to U.S. national security.
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© 2023 The Capital Times
Simon Johnson
Simon Johnson, former chief economist of the International Monetary Fund, is a professor at the MIT Sloan School of Management, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, and a member of the CBO's Panel of Economic Advisers. He is a co-founder of The Baseline Scenario.
President Barack Obama is receiving congratulations for moving
to the center on the tax agreement with Republicans last week.
Both sides think they got something: Democrats feel this will
nudge unemployment below 8.5 percent in 2012, helping the president
get re-elected; Republicans achieved long-standing goals on
measures such as the estate tax and think they will get most of the
credit for an economic recovery that's already under way.
The truth is, the deal moved us closer to a fiscal crisis, just
as the euro zone now is experiencing.
Who will emerge on top in the U.S. version is harder to predict;
at the moment, Republicans have the edge. But it's not clear even
they will be happy with what they wished for -- an opportunity to
enact massive federal government spending cuts.
The central conceit behind official thinking about fiscal policy
on both sides of the aisle is that investors will buy almost all
U.S. government debt without blinking an eye or increasing Treasury
yields. This is an endearing and heart-warming notion, rather like
a seasonal showing of Jimmy Stewart in "It's a Wonderful Life."
What it should do is force us to think about how much the world
has changed and how antiquated such ideas are today.
The United States is steadily losing its global economic and
financial predominance. To be sure, we offer the largest amount of
government debt on the market, but investors have plenty of choices
around the world, both in terms of debt and other assets. The idea
that our Treasury market will be buoyed by captive investors,
whether the Chinese central bank or anyone else, is quaint and at
odds with today's reality.
Remember that we run a large current account deficit, so we need
to take in new foreign capital every day just to maintain our
lifestyle. So this isn't just about foreigners refusing to
understand the American debt dream.
It's true that the euro zone has had a rocky ride in recent
months and we shouldn't expect those countries to sort out their
problems soon. Another round of serious euro sovereign debt issues
is likely as we head into the spring.
But the euro leadership will sort itself out; there is too much
on the line. A stronger and more Germanic core of the euro zone
will establish its fiscal credibility and its resilience.
The key to debt sustainability isn't how much revenue the
government can raise relative to gross domestic product or some
other economic characteristic. It's whether a country has the
political will to raise taxes or cut spending when under pressure
from the financial markets.
This is where Greece and Ireland were found wanting in 2010;
we'll see how Portugal, Spain, Italy, Belgium and perhaps even
France do in 2011. Then it will be the turn of the United
States.
The issue isn't whether we can muster a bipartisan consensus to
cut taxes; this is easy to do. But can our politicians agree on
what to do when 10-year Treasury yields surge, interest payments
soar and there are concerns about the rollover of our relatively
short-term government debt?
One response is: The Federal Reserve won't let this happen and
will use another round of quantitative easing or some other
innovation to hold down long rates. Maybe so, but 10-year benchmark
rates have spiked in the past month or so, and mortgage rates --
presumed to be the Fed's target -- have gained more than half a
percentage point from recent lows.
At this point, we will have only two choices: Raise taxes or cut
spending. Given that the Obama administration is unprepared for
this scenario, and has no sensible tax reform plans under way, this
gives an opportunity to Republicans intent on big spending cuts.
For anyone hoping to "starve the beast," this will be a historic
opportunity.
But there's a problem. The U.S. government doesn't take in much
tax revenue -- at least 10 percentage points of GDP less than
comparable developed economies -- and it also doesn't spend much
except on the military, Social Security and Medicare. Other parts
of government spending can be frozen or even slashed, but it just
won't make that much difference.
That means older Americans are going to get squeezed, while our
ability to defend ourselves goes into decline. Just because there's
a bipartisan consensus on an idea, such as tax cuts, doesn't mean
it makes sense. Today's tax cutters have set us up for tomorrow's
fiscal crisis and real damage to U.S. national security.
Simon Johnson
Simon Johnson, former chief economist of the International Monetary Fund, is a professor at the MIT Sloan School of Management, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, and a member of the CBO's Panel of Economic Advisers. He is a co-founder of The Baseline Scenario.
President Barack Obama is receiving congratulations for moving
to the center on the tax agreement with Republicans last week.
Both sides think they got something: Democrats feel this will
nudge unemployment below 8.5 percent in 2012, helping the president
get re-elected; Republicans achieved long-standing goals on
measures such as the estate tax and think they will get most of the
credit for an economic recovery that's already under way.
The truth is, the deal moved us closer to a fiscal crisis, just
as the euro zone now is experiencing.
Who will emerge on top in the U.S. version is harder to predict;
at the moment, Republicans have the edge. But it's not clear even
they will be happy with what they wished for -- an opportunity to
enact massive federal government spending cuts.
The central conceit behind official thinking about fiscal policy
on both sides of the aisle is that investors will buy almost all
U.S. government debt without blinking an eye or increasing Treasury
yields. This is an endearing and heart-warming notion, rather like
a seasonal showing of Jimmy Stewart in "It's a Wonderful Life."
What it should do is force us to think about how much the world
has changed and how antiquated such ideas are today.
The United States is steadily losing its global economic and
financial predominance. To be sure, we offer the largest amount of
government debt on the market, but investors have plenty of choices
around the world, both in terms of debt and other assets. The idea
that our Treasury market will be buoyed by captive investors,
whether the Chinese central bank or anyone else, is quaint and at
odds with today's reality.
Remember that we run a large current account deficit, so we need
to take in new foreign capital every day just to maintain our
lifestyle. So this isn't just about foreigners refusing to
understand the American debt dream.
It's true that the euro zone has had a rocky ride in recent
months and we shouldn't expect those countries to sort out their
problems soon. Another round of serious euro sovereign debt issues
is likely as we head into the spring.
But the euro leadership will sort itself out; there is too much
on the line. A stronger and more Germanic core of the euro zone
will establish its fiscal credibility and its resilience.
The key to debt sustainability isn't how much revenue the
government can raise relative to gross domestic product or some
other economic characteristic. It's whether a country has the
political will to raise taxes or cut spending when under pressure
from the financial markets.
This is where Greece and Ireland were found wanting in 2010;
we'll see how Portugal, Spain, Italy, Belgium and perhaps even
France do in 2011. Then it will be the turn of the United
States.
The issue isn't whether we can muster a bipartisan consensus to
cut taxes; this is easy to do. But can our politicians agree on
what to do when 10-year Treasury yields surge, interest payments
soar and there are concerns about the rollover of our relatively
short-term government debt?
One response is: The Federal Reserve won't let this happen and
will use another round of quantitative easing or some other
innovation to hold down long rates. Maybe so, but 10-year benchmark
rates have spiked in the past month or so, and mortgage rates --
presumed to be the Fed's target -- have gained more than half a
percentage point from recent lows.
At this point, we will have only two choices: Raise taxes or cut
spending. Given that the Obama administration is unprepared for
this scenario, and has no sensible tax reform plans under way, this
gives an opportunity to Republicans intent on big spending cuts.
For anyone hoping to "starve the beast," this will be a historic
opportunity.
But there's a problem. The U.S. government doesn't take in much
tax revenue -- at least 10 percentage points of GDP less than
comparable developed economies -- and it also doesn't spend much
except on the military, Social Security and Medicare. Other parts
of government spending can be frozen or even slashed, but it just
won't make that much difference.
That means older Americans are going to get squeezed, while our
ability to defend ourselves goes into decline. Just because there's
a bipartisan consensus on an idea, such as tax cuts, doesn't mean
it makes sense. Today's tax cutters have set us up for tomorrow's
fiscal crisis and real damage to U.S. national security.
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