Jan 26, 2010
If the Democratic Party wants to lose - or, to be more precise, wants to lose badly in 2010 and 2012, it need only maintain its current loyalty to the most powerful interests on Wall Street.
The United States already has a party of Wall Street. It does not need two.
Yet, despite an occasional populist turn (like his current bank
bashing), President Obama has with his absurd nominations and even more
absurd policies given every indication that he intends to position the
Democratic Party closer to corporate interests than all but the most
reprehensible Republicans.
Forget about Obama's rhetorical flourishes. As a candidate and as a
president, he has too frequently chosen to side with multinational
corporations rather than working Americans.
After he secured the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination, Obama told Fortune magazine that business executives did not need to worry
about his talk of reforming U.S. free trade policies; despite some nice
rhetorical flourishes on the primary campaign trail in hard-hit
industrial states, Obama said, he had no intention of embracing or
implementing a fair trade agenda.
Once he was elected, Obama selected as his chief of staff the Democratic party's most ardent advocate for free trade and the broader corporate program, Rahm Emanuel. Then, the new president peopled his administration with Wall Street insiders like Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner and economic adviser Larry Summers.
When it came time to push for stimulus legislation, Obama accepted a plan that squeezed necessary spending for job creation in order to pay for tax cuts for wealthier Americans. Now, instead of the promised unemployment rate of 8 percent or below, we're in double digits.
When it came time to fund an automobile-industry bailout, Obama
implemented a plan that shifted tens of billions of money from then
U.S. Treasury into the accounts of firms that then announced they would
close more than two dozen U.S. auto plants and use the federal
money to fund the opening of new factories in China and Mexico. At the
same time, those companies forced thousands of auto dealerships to shut
their doors and layoff more than 100,000 workers.
In the fight over financial-services regulation, Obama and his aides have repeatedly rejected serious moves to hold banks and brokers to account
- creating a circumstance where Democrats in the House and Senate must
battle not just Wall Street and the Republican Party but the White
House if they hope to achieve meaningful reforms. Even now, as Obama
tries to surf some of the anger at big banks, polling tells us that
Americans are skeptical - and rightly so, as the president's party
continue to collect campaign contributions from, you guessed it, the
big banks.
If John McCain had compiled Obama's record, he would be condemned by
even the most moderate Democrats as a tool of the corporate elites.
Because Obama is a Democrat, many in his own party continue to cut him slack.
In doing so, they are giving the party of Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman just enough rope to hang itself in 2010.
Unless there is a radical shift in direction, Democrats will find
themselves running in this fall's congressional and state elections as
the party of an economic status quo that most Americans believe is
corrupt in its character and damaging in its practices.
How can the Democrats save themselves?
By saying "no" to Obama and to Wall Street when it comes to the
direction of the Federal Reserve. Hopefully, that "no" will be heard by
the president and his aides in time for the White House to set a
sounder course.
But regardless of how Obama responds, congressional Democrats can
and should raise the necessary objection - and act upon it when
Bernanke's confirmation vote is taken later this week.
The president has nominated Ben Bernanke for a second four-year term
as Federal Reserve chairman. No move sums up the failure of Obama and
his aides to break with the corporatist policies of the Bush
administration more explicitly than the attempt to keep George Bush's
Fed chair on the job.
Because the secretive and manipulative Federal Reserve plays such a
definitional role in setting and implementing economic policies,
Obama's decision to retain those responsible for the current mess is
wrongheaded in every sense: economically, socially and politically.
Smart Democrats and independents are refusing to go along with the president's program.
In announcing his decision to vote against Bernanke's
reconfirmation, U.S. Senator Russ Feingold, D-Wisconsin, summed things
up well:
"A chief responsibility of the Chairman of the Federal
Reserve is to ensure a sound financial system. Under the watch of Ben
Bernanke, the Federal Reserve permitted grossly irresponsible financial
activities that led to the worst financial crisis since the Great
Depression. Under Chairman Bernanke's watch predatory mortgage lending
flourished, and 'too big to fail' financial giants were permitted to
engage in activities that put our nation's economy at risk. And as it
responds to the crisis it helped to usher in, the Federal Reserve under
Chairman Bernanke's leadership continues to resist appropriate efforts
to review that response, how taxpayers' money was being used, and
whether it acted appropriately."
Feingold joins a growing chorus of progressive opposition to the Fed
chair's reconfirmation, an opposition that has been led by Senator
Bernie Sanders.
The Vermont independent notes that, as chairman of President George
W. Bush Council of Economic Advisors and Fed chair: "Mr. Bernanke, who
was recently endorsed for reappointment by Alan Greenspan, played a
major role in the deregulatory efforts that enabled major financial
institutions to engage in reckless and illegal behavior. The American
people gave us the responsibility to bring about change, not the
maintenance of the status quo. Why, at this difficult moment in
American history, should we reappoint Wall Street's candidate as
chairman of the Fed?"
Sanders recently offered his colleagues a list of "Four Reasons Why Democrats Should Oppose the Bernanke Reappointment",
which concludes: "Instead of confirming one of the key architects of
George Bush's economic agenda, a new nominee could transform the Fed
into a central bank committed to the needs of the middle class of this
country rather than powerful Wall Street executives responsible for the
worst economic crisis since the Great Depression."
No one with any sense of the mood of the American people regarding the economy could miss the logic of this argument.
Unfortunately, President Obama seems to be missing the point - even
with the recent wake-up call from Massachusetts voters who filled the
late Ted Kennedy's Senate seat with a conservative Republican.
Senate Democrats have an opportunity to do more for Obama than the president is willing to do for himself.
"The defeat of Ben Bernanke would give President Obama a golden
opportunity to nominate someone who will move the Fed in a new
direction and put an end to the Fed's relationship with big banks and
Wall Street," says Sanders.
That's the smart and necessary play.
The Senate should block Bernanke as the first step in forcing the
President Obama and his administration to recognize the reality that,
according to recent polls, more than sixty percent of voters see: When
it comes to economics, the United States is headed in the wrong
direction.
Instead of steering toward Wall Street, Obama should be veering toward Main Street.
If the president refuses to make the left turn that is needed, then
Democratic senators should take the wheel and correct the country's
course.
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John Nichols
John Nichols is Washington correspondent for The Nation and associate editor of The Capital Times in Madison, Wisconsin. His books co-authored with Robert W. McChesney are: "Dollarocracy: How the Money and Media Election Complex is Destroying America" (2014), "The Death and Life of American Journalism: The Media Revolution that Will Begin the World Again" (2011), and "Tragedy & Farce: How the American Media Sell Wars, Spin Elections, and Destroy Democracy" (2006). Nichols' other books include: "The "S" Word: A Short History of an American Tradition...Socialism" (2015), "Dick: The Man Who is President (2004) and "The Genius of Impeachment: The Founders' Cure for Royalism" (2006).
alan greenspanbernie sandersfranklin rooseveltgeorge w. bushjohn nicholsrahm emanuelruss feingoldtimothy geithnerwall street
If the Democratic Party wants to lose - or, to be more precise, wants to lose badly in 2010 and 2012, it need only maintain its current loyalty to the most powerful interests on Wall Street.
The United States already has a party of Wall Street. It does not need two.
Yet, despite an occasional populist turn (like his current bank
bashing), President Obama has with his absurd nominations and even more
absurd policies given every indication that he intends to position the
Democratic Party closer to corporate interests than all but the most
reprehensible Republicans.
Forget about Obama's rhetorical flourishes. As a candidate and as a
president, he has too frequently chosen to side with multinational
corporations rather than working Americans.
After he secured the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination, Obama told Fortune magazine that business executives did not need to worry
about his talk of reforming U.S. free trade policies; despite some nice
rhetorical flourishes on the primary campaign trail in hard-hit
industrial states, Obama said, he had no intention of embracing or
implementing a fair trade agenda.
Once he was elected, Obama selected as his chief of staff the Democratic party's most ardent advocate for free trade and the broader corporate program, Rahm Emanuel. Then, the new president peopled his administration with Wall Street insiders like Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner and economic adviser Larry Summers.
When it came time to push for stimulus legislation, Obama accepted a plan that squeezed necessary spending for job creation in order to pay for tax cuts for wealthier Americans. Now, instead of the promised unemployment rate of 8 percent or below, we're in double digits.
When it came time to fund an automobile-industry bailout, Obama
implemented a plan that shifted tens of billions of money from then
U.S. Treasury into the accounts of firms that then announced they would
close more than two dozen U.S. auto plants and use the federal
money to fund the opening of new factories in China and Mexico. At the
same time, those companies forced thousands of auto dealerships to shut
their doors and layoff more than 100,000 workers.
In the fight over financial-services regulation, Obama and his aides have repeatedly rejected serious moves to hold banks and brokers to account
- creating a circumstance where Democrats in the House and Senate must
battle not just Wall Street and the Republican Party but the White
House if they hope to achieve meaningful reforms. Even now, as Obama
tries to surf some of the anger at big banks, polling tells us that
Americans are skeptical - and rightly so, as the president's party
continue to collect campaign contributions from, you guessed it, the
big banks.
If John McCain had compiled Obama's record, he would be condemned by
even the most moderate Democrats as a tool of the corporate elites.
Because Obama is a Democrat, many in his own party continue to cut him slack.
In doing so, they are giving the party of Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman just enough rope to hang itself in 2010.
Unless there is a radical shift in direction, Democrats will find
themselves running in this fall's congressional and state elections as
the party of an economic status quo that most Americans believe is
corrupt in its character and damaging in its practices.
How can the Democrats save themselves?
By saying "no" to Obama and to Wall Street when it comes to the
direction of the Federal Reserve. Hopefully, that "no" will be heard by
the president and his aides in time for the White House to set a
sounder course.
But regardless of how Obama responds, congressional Democrats can
and should raise the necessary objection - and act upon it when
Bernanke's confirmation vote is taken later this week.
The president has nominated Ben Bernanke for a second four-year term
as Federal Reserve chairman. No move sums up the failure of Obama and
his aides to break with the corporatist policies of the Bush
administration more explicitly than the attempt to keep George Bush's
Fed chair on the job.
Because the secretive and manipulative Federal Reserve plays such a
definitional role in setting and implementing economic policies,
Obama's decision to retain those responsible for the current mess is
wrongheaded in every sense: economically, socially and politically.
Smart Democrats and independents are refusing to go along with the president's program.
In announcing his decision to vote against Bernanke's
reconfirmation, U.S. Senator Russ Feingold, D-Wisconsin, summed things
up well:
"A chief responsibility of the Chairman of the Federal
Reserve is to ensure a sound financial system. Under the watch of Ben
Bernanke, the Federal Reserve permitted grossly irresponsible financial
activities that led to the worst financial crisis since the Great
Depression. Under Chairman Bernanke's watch predatory mortgage lending
flourished, and 'too big to fail' financial giants were permitted to
engage in activities that put our nation's economy at risk. And as it
responds to the crisis it helped to usher in, the Federal Reserve under
Chairman Bernanke's leadership continues to resist appropriate efforts
to review that response, how taxpayers' money was being used, and
whether it acted appropriately."
Feingold joins a growing chorus of progressive opposition to the Fed
chair's reconfirmation, an opposition that has been led by Senator
Bernie Sanders.
The Vermont independent notes that, as chairman of President George
W. Bush Council of Economic Advisors and Fed chair: "Mr. Bernanke, who
was recently endorsed for reappointment by Alan Greenspan, played a
major role in the deregulatory efforts that enabled major financial
institutions to engage in reckless and illegal behavior. The American
people gave us the responsibility to bring about change, not the
maintenance of the status quo. Why, at this difficult moment in
American history, should we reappoint Wall Street's candidate as
chairman of the Fed?"
Sanders recently offered his colleagues a list of "Four Reasons Why Democrats Should Oppose the Bernanke Reappointment",
which concludes: "Instead of confirming one of the key architects of
George Bush's economic agenda, a new nominee could transform the Fed
into a central bank committed to the needs of the middle class of this
country rather than powerful Wall Street executives responsible for the
worst economic crisis since the Great Depression."
No one with any sense of the mood of the American people regarding the economy could miss the logic of this argument.
Unfortunately, President Obama seems to be missing the point - even
with the recent wake-up call from Massachusetts voters who filled the
late Ted Kennedy's Senate seat with a conservative Republican.
Senate Democrats have an opportunity to do more for Obama than the president is willing to do for himself.
"The defeat of Ben Bernanke would give President Obama a golden
opportunity to nominate someone who will move the Fed in a new
direction and put an end to the Fed's relationship with big banks and
Wall Street," says Sanders.
That's the smart and necessary play.
The Senate should block Bernanke as the first step in forcing the
President Obama and his administration to recognize the reality that,
according to recent polls, more than sixty percent of voters see: When
it comes to economics, the United States is headed in the wrong
direction.
Instead of steering toward Wall Street, Obama should be veering toward Main Street.
If the president refuses to make the left turn that is needed, then
Democratic senators should take the wheel and correct the country's
course.
John Nichols
John Nichols is Washington correspondent for The Nation and associate editor of The Capital Times in Madison, Wisconsin. His books co-authored with Robert W. McChesney are: "Dollarocracy: How the Money and Media Election Complex is Destroying America" (2014), "The Death and Life of American Journalism: The Media Revolution that Will Begin the World Again" (2011), and "Tragedy & Farce: How the American Media Sell Wars, Spin Elections, and Destroy Democracy" (2006). Nichols' other books include: "The "S" Word: A Short History of an American Tradition...Socialism" (2015), "Dick: The Man Who is President (2004) and "The Genius of Impeachment: The Founders' Cure for Royalism" (2006).
If the Democratic Party wants to lose - or, to be more precise, wants to lose badly in 2010 and 2012, it need only maintain its current loyalty to the most powerful interests on Wall Street.
The United States already has a party of Wall Street. It does not need two.
Yet, despite an occasional populist turn (like his current bank
bashing), President Obama has with his absurd nominations and even more
absurd policies given every indication that he intends to position the
Democratic Party closer to corporate interests than all but the most
reprehensible Republicans.
Forget about Obama's rhetorical flourishes. As a candidate and as a
president, he has too frequently chosen to side with multinational
corporations rather than working Americans.
After he secured the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination, Obama told Fortune magazine that business executives did not need to worry
about his talk of reforming U.S. free trade policies; despite some nice
rhetorical flourishes on the primary campaign trail in hard-hit
industrial states, Obama said, he had no intention of embracing or
implementing a fair trade agenda.
Once he was elected, Obama selected as his chief of staff the Democratic party's most ardent advocate for free trade and the broader corporate program, Rahm Emanuel. Then, the new president peopled his administration with Wall Street insiders like Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner and economic adviser Larry Summers.
When it came time to push for stimulus legislation, Obama accepted a plan that squeezed necessary spending for job creation in order to pay for tax cuts for wealthier Americans. Now, instead of the promised unemployment rate of 8 percent or below, we're in double digits.
When it came time to fund an automobile-industry bailout, Obama
implemented a plan that shifted tens of billions of money from then
U.S. Treasury into the accounts of firms that then announced they would
close more than two dozen U.S. auto plants and use the federal
money to fund the opening of new factories in China and Mexico. At the
same time, those companies forced thousands of auto dealerships to shut
their doors and layoff more than 100,000 workers.
In the fight over financial-services regulation, Obama and his aides have repeatedly rejected serious moves to hold banks and brokers to account
- creating a circumstance where Democrats in the House and Senate must
battle not just Wall Street and the Republican Party but the White
House if they hope to achieve meaningful reforms. Even now, as Obama
tries to surf some of the anger at big banks, polling tells us that
Americans are skeptical - and rightly so, as the president's party
continue to collect campaign contributions from, you guessed it, the
big banks.
If John McCain had compiled Obama's record, he would be condemned by
even the most moderate Democrats as a tool of the corporate elites.
Because Obama is a Democrat, many in his own party continue to cut him slack.
In doing so, they are giving the party of Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman just enough rope to hang itself in 2010.
Unless there is a radical shift in direction, Democrats will find
themselves running in this fall's congressional and state elections as
the party of an economic status quo that most Americans believe is
corrupt in its character and damaging in its practices.
How can the Democrats save themselves?
By saying "no" to Obama and to Wall Street when it comes to the
direction of the Federal Reserve. Hopefully, that "no" will be heard by
the president and his aides in time for the White House to set a
sounder course.
But regardless of how Obama responds, congressional Democrats can
and should raise the necessary objection - and act upon it when
Bernanke's confirmation vote is taken later this week.
The president has nominated Ben Bernanke for a second four-year term
as Federal Reserve chairman. No move sums up the failure of Obama and
his aides to break with the corporatist policies of the Bush
administration more explicitly than the attempt to keep George Bush's
Fed chair on the job.
Because the secretive and manipulative Federal Reserve plays such a
definitional role in setting and implementing economic policies,
Obama's decision to retain those responsible for the current mess is
wrongheaded in every sense: economically, socially and politically.
Smart Democrats and independents are refusing to go along with the president's program.
In announcing his decision to vote against Bernanke's
reconfirmation, U.S. Senator Russ Feingold, D-Wisconsin, summed things
up well:
"A chief responsibility of the Chairman of the Federal
Reserve is to ensure a sound financial system. Under the watch of Ben
Bernanke, the Federal Reserve permitted grossly irresponsible financial
activities that led to the worst financial crisis since the Great
Depression. Under Chairman Bernanke's watch predatory mortgage lending
flourished, and 'too big to fail' financial giants were permitted to
engage in activities that put our nation's economy at risk. And as it
responds to the crisis it helped to usher in, the Federal Reserve under
Chairman Bernanke's leadership continues to resist appropriate efforts
to review that response, how taxpayers' money was being used, and
whether it acted appropriately."
Feingold joins a growing chorus of progressive opposition to the Fed
chair's reconfirmation, an opposition that has been led by Senator
Bernie Sanders.
The Vermont independent notes that, as chairman of President George
W. Bush Council of Economic Advisors and Fed chair: "Mr. Bernanke, who
was recently endorsed for reappointment by Alan Greenspan, played a
major role in the deregulatory efforts that enabled major financial
institutions to engage in reckless and illegal behavior. The American
people gave us the responsibility to bring about change, not the
maintenance of the status quo. Why, at this difficult moment in
American history, should we reappoint Wall Street's candidate as
chairman of the Fed?"
Sanders recently offered his colleagues a list of "Four Reasons Why Democrats Should Oppose the Bernanke Reappointment",
which concludes: "Instead of confirming one of the key architects of
George Bush's economic agenda, a new nominee could transform the Fed
into a central bank committed to the needs of the middle class of this
country rather than powerful Wall Street executives responsible for the
worst economic crisis since the Great Depression."
No one with any sense of the mood of the American people regarding the economy could miss the logic of this argument.
Unfortunately, President Obama seems to be missing the point - even
with the recent wake-up call from Massachusetts voters who filled the
late Ted Kennedy's Senate seat with a conservative Republican.
Senate Democrats have an opportunity to do more for Obama than the president is willing to do for himself.
"The defeat of Ben Bernanke would give President Obama a golden
opportunity to nominate someone who will move the Fed in a new
direction and put an end to the Fed's relationship with big banks and
Wall Street," says Sanders.
That's the smart and necessary play.
The Senate should block Bernanke as the first step in forcing the
President Obama and his administration to recognize the reality that,
according to recent polls, more than sixty percent of voters see: When
it comes to economics, the United States is headed in the wrong
direction.
Instead of steering toward Wall Street, Obama should be veering toward Main Street.
If the president refuses to make the left turn that is needed, then
Democratic senators should take the wheel and correct the country's
course.
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