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Aerial photographs of land
surrounding the millennium pipeline north of Sullivan County, NY show sweeping
tracts of largely unspoiled forest. They are ecologically important for several
species including neo-tropical migrant birds that travel from South America to
breeding habitats in the northern latitudes, bald eagles, and the endangered
timber rattlesnake. Some of the best soils in the state are also nearby and
dairy farms have dotted the landscape since the mid 1800s, perhaps even longer.
To the north and east of Sullivan County, the Catskill Park, established in the
late 19th century, contains large parcels of undisturbed forest. "It
is an incredibly pristine landscape," Wes Gillingham, Program Director of
Catskill Mountainkeeper told me recently.
But that
landscape is about to
change, its future in the hands of oil and gas companies that have
leased
thousands of acres of land to drill in the Marcellus Shale. They will
soon own the mineral rights beneath the farmland and forests and
drilling will
probably begin before next summer. In the town of Hancock,
NY, which is
strategically located on the Delaware River and near the millennium
pipeline, close to 25,000 acres of land have been leased. One well, and
there will likely be
hundreds drilled in Hancock, requires between 1,500,000 to 9,000,000
gallons of
water. Heavy truck traffic, noise, air and light pollution will become
part of
everyday life.
As one observer recently noted, drilling in the Marcellus Shale
is "perhaps the largest rural land issue that we've ever been faced with in
upstate New York." And much of the concern centers on the question of water;
where it will come from, how it will be stored and treated, and what will
happen if spills or accidents contaminate the ground water or nearby rivers and
streams. The Delaware River provides water to many upstate towns in the
Catskills as well as the metropolitan areas of Philadelphia and Trenton. Roughly
16 million people depend on the river basin--its streams, rivers, reservoirs,
and aquifers--for their drinking water.
I visited Gillingham last
Wednesday before the first public hearing on the DEC's 809 page environmental
review that sets out regulatory guidelines for drilling in New York State. That
same morning Chesapeake Energy Corporation, the largest leaseholder in the
Marcellus Shale, announced that it would forgo drilling within New York City's
watershed. The company's chief executive said in a press release that the issue
had become a "needless distraction" and that since Chesapeake is the only
leaseholder in the watershed area they are "uniquely positioned to take this
issue off the table."
And of course it is in their
interest to take the issue off the table. Unlike rural areas throughout the
country that have already been deeply impacted by natural gas drilling, from
Wyoming to Pennsylvania, the possibility that New York City's unfiltered water
might be at risk hasn't been good for the industry's image. "Why go through the
brain damage" of drilling in the watershed, Chesapeake's CEO told the New York
Times.
But residents of Sullivan County, who turned out in large numbers for
the only public hearing in the critical Delaware River Watershed weren't
exactly charmed by the company's move and are afraid that brain damage, in the
form of toxic chemicals used to fracture the shale might await them. When Scott
Rotruck, the Vice President for Corporate Development at Chesapeake made his
five minute presentation and emphatically declared that the company won't be
drilling in the NYC watershed residents cried, "what about us."
"I wish I was in the New York City watershed," Cindy Gieger,
a candidate for Town Council in Callicoon told me. "At least they have some
kind of protection. We don't have any."
For residents upstate there are
questions about how the state will deal with accidents or spills, whether flood
prone areas will be exempt from drilling, if roads and bridges are up to the
task of accommodating heavy truck traffic, and whether local economies will
really benefit. "The issue is bigger than the NYC watershed. It's as big
as the Marcellus Shale fairway," Deputy Director of Delaware Riverkeeper Tracy
Carluccio said before the hearing. There are a couple of ways to read the
Chesapeake decision: as a PR move announced on the day of the first public
hearing or as an admission that the drilling process is far too risky to tamper
with the politically sensitive New York City watershed. Imagine having to provide the city's 9 million residents with bottled water if
something went wrong. Though the company's decision has been praised by most
environmental organizations, Gillingham says it doesn't really change the
overall picture and that Chesapeake is "acting like it's trading the
watershed to trash the Catskills." Rotruck of course sees it differently.
Before the hearing got underway he told me it was purely a business decision
and that drilling in the watershed was "immaterial."
Upstate communities are hardly greeting the prospect of gas
drilling with open arms. Gieger, in her bid for Town Council, has visited
hundreds of local residents most of whom are opposed to drilling. And it makes
sense. Very few people in the rural townships own large tracts of land and
hundreds of acres are required for exploratory drilling. So they'll reap all of
the negative side effects--truck traffic, air, light and noise pollution and
possible groundwater contamination--with few if any benefits.
The idea that
farmers will be saved and dying towns revived is often viewed as nothing more
than salesmanship. Farmers who lease their land are more likely to retire (most
are in their late fifties already) than continue to work 14-hour days in a
depressed market. That may be their wish and they will do with their land as
they please, but it is folly to imagine that gas drilling will somehow save
small farmers. Farms, already in decline, will disappear. In fifteen years,
when the gas has been sucked out of the ground (it is a non-renewable resource)
there may be few farms left and who knows what the land will look like. Some of
the best soils are found in Beechwoods. A farmer there recently leased 2,500
acres to pay off his mortgage. According to an acquaintance he had a few bucks
left over.
Last year was one of the worst in recent memory for dairy
farmers. The price of milk was close to what it was in the 1970s and yet the
cost of fuel and feed continues to rise. If farmers could make a living on
their land maybe they'd hold onto it. But for now it's the money that talks and
land that was being leased for $25 an acre in some parts of the state and in
Pennsylvania four years ago is now fetching more than $6,000. "The money's the one that talks," a
longtime dairy farmer told me. "That's what worries me.
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Aerial photographs of land
surrounding the millennium pipeline north of Sullivan County, NY show sweeping
tracts of largely unspoiled forest. They are ecologically important for several
species including neo-tropical migrant birds that travel from South America to
breeding habitats in the northern latitudes, bald eagles, and the endangered
timber rattlesnake. Some of the best soils in the state are also nearby and
dairy farms have dotted the landscape since the mid 1800s, perhaps even longer.
To the north and east of Sullivan County, the Catskill Park, established in the
late 19th century, contains large parcels of undisturbed forest. "It
is an incredibly pristine landscape," Wes Gillingham, Program Director of
Catskill Mountainkeeper told me recently.
But that
landscape is about to
change, its future in the hands of oil and gas companies that have
leased
thousands of acres of land to drill in the Marcellus Shale. They will
soon own the mineral rights beneath the farmland and forests and
drilling will
probably begin before next summer. In the town of Hancock,
NY, which is
strategically located on the Delaware River and near the millennium
pipeline, close to 25,000 acres of land have been leased. One well, and
there will likely be
hundreds drilled in Hancock, requires between 1,500,000 to 9,000,000
gallons of
water. Heavy truck traffic, noise, air and light pollution will become
part of
everyday life.
As one observer recently noted, drilling in the Marcellus Shale
is "perhaps the largest rural land issue that we've ever been faced with in
upstate New York." And much of the concern centers on the question of water;
where it will come from, how it will be stored and treated, and what will
happen if spills or accidents contaminate the ground water or nearby rivers and
streams. The Delaware River provides water to many upstate towns in the
Catskills as well as the metropolitan areas of Philadelphia and Trenton. Roughly
16 million people depend on the river basin--its streams, rivers, reservoirs,
and aquifers--for their drinking water.
I visited Gillingham last
Wednesday before the first public hearing on the DEC's 809 page environmental
review that sets out regulatory guidelines for drilling in New York State. That
same morning Chesapeake Energy Corporation, the largest leaseholder in the
Marcellus Shale, announced that it would forgo drilling within New York City's
watershed. The company's chief executive said in a press release that the issue
had become a "needless distraction" and that since Chesapeake is the only
leaseholder in the watershed area they are "uniquely positioned to take this
issue off the table."
And of course it is in their
interest to take the issue off the table. Unlike rural areas throughout the
country that have already been deeply impacted by natural gas drilling, from
Wyoming to Pennsylvania, the possibility that New York City's unfiltered water
might be at risk hasn't been good for the industry's image. "Why go through the
brain damage" of drilling in the watershed, Chesapeake's CEO told the New York
Times.
But residents of Sullivan County, who turned out in large numbers for
the only public hearing in the critical Delaware River Watershed weren't
exactly charmed by the company's move and are afraid that brain damage, in the
form of toxic chemicals used to fracture the shale might await them. When Scott
Rotruck, the Vice President for Corporate Development at Chesapeake made his
five minute presentation and emphatically declared that the company won't be
drilling in the NYC watershed residents cried, "what about us."
"I wish I was in the New York City watershed," Cindy Gieger,
a candidate for Town Council in Callicoon told me. "At least they have some
kind of protection. We don't have any."
For residents upstate there are
questions about how the state will deal with accidents or spills, whether flood
prone areas will be exempt from drilling, if roads and bridges are up to the
task of accommodating heavy truck traffic, and whether local economies will
really benefit. "The issue is bigger than the NYC watershed. It's as big
as the Marcellus Shale fairway," Deputy Director of Delaware Riverkeeper Tracy
Carluccio said before the hearing. There are a couple of ways to read the
Chesapeake decision: as a PR move announced on the day of the first public
hearing or as an admission that the drilling process is far too risky to tamper
with the politically sensitive New York City watershed. Imagine having to provide the city's 9 million residents with bottled water if
something went wrong. Though the company's decision has been praised by most
environmental organizations, Gillingham says it doesn't really change the
overall picture and that Chesapeake is "acting like it's trading the
watershed to trash the Catskills." Rotruck of course sees it differently.
Before the hearing got underway he told me it was purely a business decision
and that drilling in the watershed was "immaterial."
Upstate communities are hardly greeting the prospect of gas
drilling with open arms. Gieger, in her bid for Town Council, has visited
hundreds of local residents most of whom are opposed to drilling. And it makes
sense. Very few people in the rural townships own large tracts of land and
hundreds of acres are required for exploratory drilling. So they'll reap all of
the negative side effects--truck traffic, air, light and noise pollution and
possible groundwater contamination--with few if any benefits.
The idea that
farmers will be saved and dying towns revived is often viewed as nothing more
than salesmanship. Farmers who lease their land are more likely to retire (most
are in their late fifties already) than continue to work 14-hour days in a
depressed market. That may be their wish and they will do with their land as
they please, but it is folly to imagine that gas drilling will somehow save
small farmers. Farms, already in decline, will disappear. In fifteen years,
when the gas has been sucked out of the ground (it is a non-renewable resource)
there may be few farms left and who knows what the land will look like. Some of
the best soils are found in Beechwoods. A farmer there recently leased 2,500
acres to pay off his mortgage. According to an acquaintance he had a few bucks
left over.
Last year was one of the worst in recent memory for dairy
farmers. The price of milk was close to what it was in the 1970s and yet the
cost of fuel and feed continues to rise. If farmers could make a living on
their land maybe they'd hold onto it. But for now it's the money that talks and
land that was being leased for $25 an acre in some parts of the state and in
Pennsylvania four years ago is now fetching more than $6,000. "The money's the one that talks," a
longtime dairy farmer told me. "That's what worries me.
Aerial photographs of land
surrounding the millennium pipeline north of Sullivan County, NY show sweeping
tracts of largely unspoiled forest. They are ecologically important for several
species including neo-tropical migrant birds that travel from South America to
breeding habitats in the northern latitudes, bald eagles, and the endangered
timber rattlesnake. Some of the best soils in the state are also nearby and
dairy farms have dotted the landscape since the mid 1800s, perhaps even longer.
To the north and east of Sullivan County, the Catskill Park, established in the
late 19th century, contains large parcels of undisturbed forest. "It
is an incredibly pristine landscape," Wes Gillingham, Program Director of
Catskill Mountainkeeper told me recently.
But that
landscape is about to
change, its future in the hands of oil and gas companies that have
leased
thousands of acres of land to drill in the Marcellus Shale. They will
soon own the mineral rights beneath the farmland and forests and
drilling will
probably begin before next summer. In the town of Hancock,
NY, which is
strategically located on the Delaware River and near the millennium
pipeline, close to 25,000 acres of land have been leased. One well, and
there will likely be
hundreds drilled in Hancock, requires between 1,500,000 to 9,000,000
gallons of
water. Heavy truck traffic, noise, air and light pollution will become
part of
everyday life.
As one observer recently noted, drilling in the Marcellus Shale
is "perhaps the largest rural land issue that we've ever been faced with in
upstate New York." And much of the concern centers on the question of water;
where it will come from, how it will be stored and treated, and what will
happen if spills or accidents contaminate the ground water or nearby rivers and
streams. The Delaware River provides water to many upstate towns in the
Catskills as well as the metropolitan areas of Philadelphia and Trenton. Roughly
16 million people depend on the river basin--its streams, rivers, reservoirs,
and aquifers--for their drinking water.
I visited Gillingham last
Wednesday before the first public hearing on the DEC's 809 page environmental
review that sets out regulatory guidelines for drilling in New York State. That
same morning Chesapeake Energy Corporation, the largest leaseholder in the
Marcellus Shale, announced that it would forgo drilling within New York City's
watershed. The company's chief executive said in a press release that the issue
had become a "needless distraction" and that since Chesapeake is the only
leaseholder in the watershed area they are "uniquely positioned to take this
issue off the table."
And of course it is in their
interest to take the issue off the table. Unlike rural areas throughout the
country that have already been deeply impacted by natural gas drilling, from
Wyoming to Pennsylvania, the possibility that New York City's unfiltered water
might be at risk hasn't been good for the industry's image. "Why go through the
brain damage" of drilling in the watershed, Chesapeake's CEO told the New York
Times.
But residents of Sullivan County, who turned out in large numbers for
the only public hearing in the critical Delaware River Watershed weren't
exactly charmed by the company's move and are afraid that brain damage, in the
form of toxic chemicals used to fracture the shale might await them. When Scott
Rotruck, the Vice President for Corporate Development at Chesapeake made his
five minute presentation and emphatically declared that the company won't be
drilling in the NYC watershed residents cried, "what about us."
"I wish I was in the New York City watershed," Cindy Gieger,
a candidate for Town Council in Callicoon told me. "At least they have some
kind of protection. We don't have any."
For residents upstate there are
questions about how the state will deal with accidents or spills, whether flood
prone areas will be exempt from drilling, if roads and bridges are up to the
task of accommodating heavy truck traffic, and whether local economies will
really benefit. "The issue is bigger than the NYC watershed. It's as big
as the Marcellus Shale fairway," Deputy Director of Delaware Riverkeeper Tracy
Carluccio said before the hearing. There are a couple of ways to read the
Chesapeake decision: as a PR move announced on the day of the first public
hearing or as an admission that the drilling process is far too risky to tamper
with the politically sensitive New York City watershed. Imagine having to provide the city's 9 million residents with bottled water if
something went wrong. Though the company's decision has been praised by most
environmental organizations, Gillingham says it doesn't really change the
overall picture and that Chesapeake is "acting like it's trading the
watershed to trash the Catskills." Rotruck of course sees it differently.
Before the hearing got underway he told me it was purely a business decision
and that drilling in the watershed was "immaterial."
Upstate communities are hardly greeting the prospect of gas
drilling with open arms. Gieger, in her bid for Town Council, has visited
hundreds of local residents most of whom are opposed to drilling. And it makes
sense. Very few people in the rural townships own large tracts of land and
hundreds of acres are required for exploratory drilling. So they'll reap all of
the negative side effects--truck traffic, air, light and noise pollution and
possible groundwater contamination--with few if any benefits.
The idea that
farmers will be saved and dying towns revived is often viewed as nothing more
than salesmanship. Farmers who lease their land are more likely to retire (most
are in their late fifties already) than continue to work 14-hour days in a
depressed market. That may be their wish and they will do with their land as
they please, but it is folly to imagine that gas drilling will somehow save
small farmers. Farms, already in decline, will disappear. In fifteen years,
when the gas has been sucked out of the ground (it is a non-renewable resource)
there may be few farms left and who knows what the land will look like. Some of
the best soils are found in Beechwoods. A farmer there recently leased 2,500
acres to pay off his mortgage. According to an acquaintance he had a few bucks
left over.
Last year was one of the worst in recent memory for dairy
farmers. The price of milk was close to what it was in the 1970s and yet the
cost of fuel and feed continues to rise. If farmers could make a living on
their land maybe they'd hold onto it. But for now it's the money that talks and
land that was being leased for $25 an acre in some parts of the state and in
Pennsylvania four years ago is now fetching more than $6,000. "The money's the one that talks," a
longtime dairy farmer told me. "That's what worries me.
"On the 90th anniversary of Social Security, our job must be to reverse these disastrous cuts, expand Social Security, and make it easier, not harder, for Americans to receive the benefits they have earned and deserve."
U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders on Wednesday introduced the Keep Billionaires Out of Social Security Act, legislation intended to thwart President Donald Trump's attacks on the agency that administers benefits for millions of seniors and other Americans.
In a statement introducing his bill, Sanders (I-Vt.) called out not only Trump but also Elon Musk, who is the richest person on Earth and led the president's Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) until he left the administration in May.
"Since Trump has been in office, he has been working overtime with the wealthiest man in the world, Elon Musk, to dismantle Social Security and undermine the faith that the American people have in this vitally important program," Sanders said. "Thousands of Social Security staff have lost their jobs, seniors and people with disabilities are having a much harder time receiving the benefits they have earned, field offices have been shut down, and the 1-800 number is a mess."
"That is beyond unacceptable," the senator declared, just days before a key milestone for the law that led to the Social Security Administration (SSA). "On the 90th anniversary of Social Security, our job must be to reverse these disastrous cuts, expand Social Security, and make it easier, not harder, for Americans to receive the benefits they have earned and deserve. That's precisely what this legislation will do."
As Sanders' office summarized, the bill aims to defend Americans and their benefits by:
The bill is backed by 20 other members of the Senate Democratic Caucus, including Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.), and several organizations, including Social Security Works, Alliance for Retired Americans, National Committee to Preserve Social Security and Medicare, and the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees.
Sanders introduced the bill on the same day that he joined former Social Security Commissioner Martin O'Malley, U.S. Reps. Debbie Dingell (D-Mich.) and John Larson (D-Conn.), and Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.)—a co-sponsor of the new legislation—for a Protect Our Checks town hall, hosted by Unrig Our Economy, Social Security Works, and the Center for American Progress Action Fund.
Late last month, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent "openly bragged about plans to use a back door to privatize Social Security and hand the benefits of working families over to those folks on Wall Street," Wyden pointed out. "Trump's so-called promise to protect Social Security, in my view, is about as real as his promise to protect Medicaid—no substance, big consequences for American seniors and families walking on an economic tightrope."
The so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act that Republicans passed and the president signed in July is expected to strip Medicaid and other key assistance, including food stamps, from millions of Americans in the next decade.
Wednesday's town hall also featured testimony from Social Security recipients, including Judith Brown, who explained that "at 37, I became disabled. It was devastating, because I was a young mother to two sons [that] are on the autism spectrum."
"When my sons needed additional medical support, I was able to get care for them because of their Social Security benefits. Without those benefits, we would have been homeless on the street," Brown continued. "Social Security has always been there for us over all these years. Right now, this administration is bent on stripping us of our benefits that we paid into during our working years... We cannot allow this to happen. Social Security must be protected and expanded. Our entire existence is on the line, and we must fight to protect Social Security."
Unrig Our Economy spokesperson Saryn Francis said that "Republican tariffs are driving up prices at the grocery store, their bills are raising the cost of healthcare and electricity, and they've even found time to hand out more tax breaks to billionaires, and now they want to mess with Social Security, and we are not going to let them take that away from us."
Francis noted that "this weekend, with over 50 events across the country, Americans are rallying in a massive effort to support Social Security and calling on congressional Republicans to stop threatening what hardworking people have earned and need to survive."
"Children dying first in a famine Israel caused by restricting food aid also had comorbidities and preexisting conditions," said one jourtnalist. "Of course they did. That is who dies first, as any child can tell you."
Using terminology that's all too familiar to the U.S. public—and treated by the for-profit health system as synonymous with those who are entitled to less care—the Israel Defense Forces on Tuesday released an "in-depth review" of widespread reports that Israel has killed hundreds of people in Gaza so far through its deliberate starvation policy.
The military claimed the analysis found that many Palestinians who have died of malnutrition so far had previous illnesses.
"Most 'malnutrition' deaths were due to severe preexisting conditions," said the IDF in a post on social media. "The expert review concluded that there are no signs of a widespread malnutrition phenomenon among the population in Gaza."
The fact that a number of people who have died had health conditions before Israel began bombarding Gaza in October 2023—decimating its healthcare system, among other civilian infrastructure—is hardly a surprise, said journalist Ryan Grim of Drop Site News.
"Children dying first in a famine Israel caused by restricting food aid also had comorbidities and preexisting conditions," said Grim. "Of course they did. That is who dies first, as any child can tell you."
The IDF and its top military funder, the U.S. government, have persistently denied that Israel is intentionally starving Palestinian civilians with its near-total blockade on humanitarian aid.
"It took an 'in-depth IDF review' abto determine that children with preexisting conditions will be the first victims of a man-made famine?"
As the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) has warned that famine is now unfolding in Gaza, experts have called the starvation crisis that's killed at least 235 people "entirely man-made," and Amnesty International has gathered extensive testimony from healthcare workers and civilians describing how Israel is using starvation as a "weapon of war," the Trump administration has continued to claim that any malnutrition in Gaza is the result of Hamas "stealing aid."
Last month, even IDF officials were forced to admit previous claims that Hamas was stealing humanitarian aid deliveries could not be verified.
With that claim debunked, the "in-depth review" focused instead on dismissing the starvation victims themselves.
The IDF presented the case of 4-year-old Abdullah Hanu Muhammad Abu Zarqa, who had a genetic disease that caused "deficiencies, osteoporosis, and bone thinning."
It also posted on the social media platform X the medical records of a 2-year-old named Abed Allah Hany Muhamad Abu Zarka, which showed the toddler had hair loss and rickets—a bone disease caused by vitamin D deficiency. The document showed he had a "positive family history of similar cases" and was shared in the apparent hope that disclosing the information would tamp down outrage over Israel's blockade on humanitarian aid.
"I can't understand how anyone thinks 'We're only starving the SICK kids to death' is any kind of justification, even if it were true?!" said New York Times columnist Megan K. Stack.
The in-depth review, which Israel said verified "only a few cases" of starvation, came weeks after the Times appeared to bow to pressure from the Israeli government and media after it reported on Mohammed Zakaria al-Mutawaq, an 18-month-old who was born with cerebral palsy and had also been suffering from starvation. Israel claimed the use of photos of the toddler in media coverage was misleading because outlets like the Times didn't disclose al-Mutawaq's previous medical condition, and the Times issued an editorial note pointing out his diagnosis soon after.
The editors' move provoked outcry from progressive observers, who called the addendum "ghoulish" and "depraved."
One noted that an institution that took pains to "clarify" that "some portion of Nazi death camp victims had preexisting conditions" would rightly be accused of denying the impact of the Holocaust.
"It took an 'in-depth IDF review,'" one critic asked Wednesday, "to determine that children with preexisting conditions will be the first victims of a man-made famine?"
"If implemented, the plans would amount to transferring people from one war-ravaged land at risk of famine to another," the Associated Press said.
Israel has reportedly discussed pushing the Palestinian population of Gaza to another war zone in South Sudan.
The Associated Press reported Tuesday that Israeli leaders had been engaged in talks with the African nation and that an Israeli delegation would soon visit the country to look into the possibility of setting up "makeshift camps" for Palestinians to be herded into.
"It's unclear how far the talks have advanced, but if implemented, the plans would amount to transferring people from one war-ravaged land at risk of famine to another," the AP said.
Like Gaza, South Sudan is in the midst of a massive humanitarian crisis caused by an ongoing violence and instability. In June, Human Rights Watch reported that more than half of South Sudan's population, 7.7 million people, faced acute food insecurity. The nation is also home to one of the world's largest refugee crises, with more than 2 million people internally displaced.
On Wednesday, the South Sudanese foreign ministry said it "firmly refutes" the reports that it discussed the transfer of Palestinians with Israel, adding that they are "baseless and do not reflect the official position or policy."
However, six sources that spoke to the AP—including the founder of a U.S.-based lobbying firm and the leader of a South Sudanese civil society group, as well as four who maintained anonymity—said the government briefed them on the talks.
Sharren Haskel, Israel's deputy foreign minister, also arrived in South Sudan on Tuesday to hold a series of talks with the president and other government officials.
While the content of these talks is unclear for the moment, the Israeli government is quite open about its goal of seeking the permanent transfer of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip to other countries.
In addition to South Sudan, it has been reported that Israeli officials have also approached Sudan, Somalia, and the breakaway state of Somaliland, all of which have suffered from chronic war, poverty, and instability.
On Tuesday, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in an interview with the Israeli TV station i24 that "the right thing to do, even according to the laws of war as I know them, is to allow the population to leave, and then you go in with all your might against the enemy who remains there."
Though Netanyahu has described this as "voluntary migration," Israeli officials have in the past indicated that their goal is to make conditions in Gaza so intolerable that its people see no choice but to leave.
Finance minister and war cabinet member Bezalel Smotrich, who has openly discussed the objective of forcing 2 million Palestinians out to make way for Israeli settlers, said in May: "Within a few months, we will be able to declare that we have won. Gaza will be totally destroyed."
Speaking of its people, he said: "They will be totally despairing, understanding that there is no hope and nothing to look for in Gaza, and will be looking for relocation to begin a new life in other places."
Contrary to Netanyahu's assertion, international bodies, governments, and human rights groups have denounced the so-called "voluntary migration" plan as a policy of forcible transfer that is illegal under international law.
"To impose inhumane conditions of life to push Palestinians out of Gaza would amount to the war crime of unlawful transfer or deportation," said Amnesty International in May.
Israeli human rights organizations, led by the group Gisha, explained in June in a letter to Israel's Defense Minister, Israel Katz, that there is no such thing as "voluntary migration" under the circumstances that the Israeli war campaign has imposed.
"Genuine 'consent' under these conditions simply does not exist," the groups said. "Therefore, the decision in question constitutes explicit planning for mass transfer of civilians and ethnic cleansing, while violating international law, amounting to war crimes and crimes against humanity."
The plan to permanently remove Palestinians from the Gaza Strip has received the backing of U.S. President Donald Trump, who has said he wants to turn the strip into the "Riviera of the Middle East."
The U.S. State Department currently advises travelers not to visit Sudan or Somaliland due to the risk of armed conflict, civil unrest, crime, terrorism, and kidnapping. However, the United States has reportedly been involved in talks pushing these countries to take in the Palestinians forced out by Israel.
After Israel announced its plans to fully "conquer" Gaza, U.N. official Miroslav Jenča said during an emergency Security Council session on Sunday that the occupation push is "yet another dangerous escalation of the conflict."
"If these plans are implemented," he said, "they will likely trigger another calamity in Gaza, reverberating across the region and causing further forced displacement, killings, and destruction—compounding the unbearable suffering of the population."