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iran-contra
Washington Post Curates the Memory of George Shultz
Minutes later, the Post published a tribute from the paper's former reporter Lou Cannon (2/7/21), who lauded a man who "spoke truth to power" and "lived his life in service to his nation and humanity."
The next day, Post columnist David Ignatius (2/8/21) offered yet a third hagiography. Ignatius gushed:
Watching him over so many years was an education in the fact that the good guys--the smart, decent people who take on the hard job of making the country work--do sometimes win in the end.
Ignatius noted that Shultz "was Post publisher Katharine Graham's favorite tennis partner," and the warm, fuzzy feelings clearly persist at the paper long after Graham's departure.
But assessments that judge Shultz to be one of "the good guys," with a commitment to things like freedom, human dignity and humanity, necessarily gloss over his role in both the Iraq War and the Iran/Contra scandal.
It was Shultz's influential assertion in the mid-'80s of a right to pre-emptively strike against "future attacks"--what was dubbed the "Shultz Doctrine"--that helped pave the way for the endless War on Terror, and led the Wall Street Journal (4/29/06) to call Shultz "the father of the Bush Doctrine" of unprovoked attacks on nations deemed threats. Shultz was a mentor to both George W. Bush and Dick Cheney, as well as Rice, and after 9/11 Shultz chaired the pro-invasion "Committee for the Liberation of Iraq." As FAIR (8/2/10) argued more than 10 years ago, when PBS aired a glowing documentary about Shultz that omitted his role in the Iraq War:
His advocacy for a new norm of international law that legitimizes "active prevention, pre-emption and retaliation" against terrorism is one of the most abiding, and controversial, legacies of Shultz's tenure at the State Department, providing the justification for two ongoing wars.
None of the three Post contributors mentioned Bush, Iraq or the War on Terror. Perhaps even more disturbingly, neither did the paper's nearly 3,000-word obituary for Shultz (2/7/21).
The Post also attempted to avoid or rewrite another key piece of Shultz's history--his role in the Iran/Contra scandal, in which the Reagan administration secretly sold arms to Iran in order to fund, against congressional prohibitions, the right-wing Contra terror squads working to overthrow the leftist Sandinista government in Nicaragua. As Iran/Contra prosecutor Lawrence Walsh concluded in his final report (Extra! Update, 4/94):
The evidence establishes that the central National Security Council operatives kept their superiors--including Reagan, [Vice President George] Bush, Shultz, [Defense Secretary Caspar] Weinberger and other high officials--informed of their efforts generally, if not in detail, and their superiors either condoned or turned a blind eye to them.
The Post obituary, written by Michael Abramowitz and David E. Hoffman, tried to spin this, relying on the account of the Reagan administration's hand-picked investigative board:
By Mr. Shultz's account, he argued vigorously in private against the arms sales to Tehran, which were designed to gain Iran's help in freeing US hostages in Lebanon. But he was criticized afterward for not taking on the matter more directly.
"Secretary Shultz and Secretary Weinberger in particular distanced themselves from the march of events," concluded the board chaired by former Sen. John Tower (R.-Texas) that reviewed the Reagan administration's handling of the matter. "Secretary Shultz specifically requested to be informed only as necessary to perform his job."
As if worried that even this apologetic assessment might still put the deceased in an unfavorable light, the paper quickly softened the blow:
Once the matter became public, however, Mr. Shultz, reflecting the lessons of what he had seen during Watergate, urged others in the administration to come clean. Historian Malcolm Byrne, in his book Iran/Contra, wrote that "Shultz alone proposed to engage the US public rather than keep a tight hold on information."
And the Post didn't even mention Shultz's position on the Contra half of the scandal--perhaps because he actively participated in discussions regarding how to get around the congressional prohibitions, and almost made a solicitation himself to the Sultan of Brunei (FAIR.org, 8/2/10).
In Ignatius's telling, Iran/Contra was an illustration of Shultz's "good judgment":
He could detect bad ideas taking shape in the bureaucracy almost as if by smell. And he tried to stop them, even when that meant challenging Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger, whose policy ideas he mistrusted, or President Ronald Reagan, whose National Security Council staff concocted a bizarre plot--to fund the contras in Nicaragua by selling arms to Iran--that Shultz abhorred.
Rice and Cannon simply omitted Iran/Contra in their columns. Either way, by exclusion or distortion, establishment obituaries rewrite history to make the official heroes fit for adoration (FAIR.org, 6/9/04, 7/9/09, 8/29/18, 12/7/18).
No. 1 Sponsor of Terrorism? US Media Name Iran, but Overlook a Candidate Closer to Home
After the illegal assassination of Iranian Gen. Qassem Soleimani, FAIR (1/9/20) noted that the corporate media offered no moral objections to murdering another country's high-ranking state official. The media consensus was that Soleimani was a despicable "terrorist" responsible for the deaths of "hundreds of Americans"--a formula that buried the crucial distinction between terrorism and armed resistance, presenting military combat against the US and its allies' occupation forces in the Middle East as inherently illegitimate.
The New York Times' editorial board (1/3/20) declared that the "real question" about the Trump administration's drone strike was "not whether it was justified, but whether it was wise," because Soleimani was "indisputably an enemy of the American people," and an "architect of international terrorism responsible for the deaths of hundreds of Americans and a great many others in the region, from Yemen to Syria." The LA Times editorial board (1/3/20) claimed that Soleimani was a:
key architect in Iran's destabilizing policies in the Middle East, and a force behind militias and terror groups that have killed and maimed countless civilians and soldiers, including US troops and contractors.
The Wall Street Journal's editorial board (1/3/20) proclaimed that "Mr. Trump's decisive action" has struck "a blow against terror in the cause of justice and American interests," and dismissed the need for evidence of Soleimani's alleged plans to "attack American diplomats and service members." because it was "belated justice" for the "hundreds of Americans whom Soleimani had a hand in killing," and was another successful "show of force" to "deter terrorism against Americans."
This credulous acceptance of the US government's practice of branding Official Enemies as "terrorists" goes far beyond Soleimani. If there are any questions, they are often confined to whether this will negatively impact the US, with the credibility of US "terrorist" designations, with all of their repercussions, being unimpeachable. For years, corporate media have uncritically parroted the US State Department's absurd assertions of Iran being the world's "leading state sponsor of terrorism" with a "near-global reach" (Washington Post, 9/19/18; CNN, 6/2/16, Fox News, 11/2/19). According to the US State Department's "Country Reports on Terrorism 2018," Iran is the "world's worst state sponsor of terrorism" because it supports:
Hezbollah, Palestinian terrorist groups in Gaza, and various groups in Syria, Iraq and throughout the Middle East. Iran used the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force (IRGC-QF) to provide support to terrorist organizations, provide cover for associated covert operations, and create instability in the region. Iran has acknowledged the involvement of the IRGC-QF in the Iraq and Syria conflicts, and the IRGC-QF is Iran's primary mechanism for cultivating and supporting terrorists abroad.
FAIR (Extra!, 3/02; FAIR.org, 3/13/19) has repeatedly pointed out that US media conveniently avoid defining "terrorism," because a consistent definition would undermine the conventional usage--that terrorism is what you call weak, nonstate actors using homemade bombs, regardless of their target. If you defined it, say, as "deliberately and violently targeting civilians for political purposes," that would tend to rule out roadside bombs hitting US military patrols, and rule in Saudi Arabia's US-backed bombing of Yemeni civilians.
Defining terrorism by the means used to carry out violence rather than the targets of that violence, and emphasizing the identity of the perpetrators rather than their political motives, is a convenient way to avoid the conclusion that the US's so-called "War on Terror" is a hypocritical farce (FAIR.org, 3/29/18). Glenn Greenwald noted the dishonesty and hypocrisy of US media covering attacks on military targets as terrorism, while the Obama administration redefined "combatant" to mean "all military-age males in a strike zone"--which, in practice, can be anywhere.
Nevertheless, when the State Department declared that Soleimani's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is a "terrorist" organization, many reports offered little pushback, except for the possibility that it might "complicate military and diplomatic work by prohibiting contact with foreign officials who have worked with the Guard" (The Hill, 4/8/19) or "incite retaliation by Tehran against American troops and intelligence officers" (New York Times, 4/8/19).
The justification offered by the New York Times (4/8/19) for the Trump administration naming the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist group is that it allegedly "helped train Iraqi Shiite militias to fight American troops"--an accusation that, if true, would not fit most definitions of terrorism.
The New York Times (4/8/19) also raised the limited consideration of whether "other government intelligence agencies that use violence--including those of Israel, Pakistan and Russia--also now meet that standard." Politico (4/8/19) tellingly remarked that it's the "first time the United States has designated an official military force of another country a terrorist group," because such designations are "typically reserved for non-state actors."
But when one examines the State Department's rationale for designating Iran as the "world's worst state sponsor of terrorism," it should be clear that Iran is considered so because it supports armed resistance groups opposing the US and Israel's illegal occupation of Middle Eastern territories. As FAIR (6/6/19, 1/21/20) noted, if US media tend to consider the imperial violence committed by the US and its allies to be righteous and inherently defensive by default, then any anti-imperialist violence must be considered aggressive and illegitimate, simply because it resists US-backed violence.
Of course, as Stephen Zunes and Gareth Porter have already pointed out (FAIR.org, 1/21/20), there is little evidence that the IRGC-Quds Force formerly headed by Soleimani were responsible for the 13-year old talking point of Iran killing "hundreds of Americans" in Iraq--a country the US illegally invaded and is currently occupying against the will of its elected representatives--except for the far-fetched claim that those IEDs were too "sophisticated" to have been made in Iraq. Contrary to reports, Soleimani did not seem to have "imminent" plans to attack the US, because he had arrived in Baghdad to attend regional peace talks with Saudi Arabia on behest of the Iraqi prime minister, with Trump's knowledge. Soleimani was also a widely respected adversary of ISIS and the US-backed Syrian rebels linked to Al Qaeda (FAIR.org, 3/21/16, 1/4/17, 7/27/17).
Corporate media's propagandistic coverage is most apparent when they consistently refuse to hold the US government accountable to its own standards for what constitutes "state sponsors of terrorism." Comparing Iran's relationship with armed Middle Eastern resistance groups like Hamas, Hezbollah and Houthi rebels with the US' relationship with Israel and Saudi Arabia make it abundantly clear that the US far eclipses Iran in terrorism sponsorship.
If Iran is a "state sponsor of terrorism" because it provides support to "Palestinian terrorist groups in Gaza," then does the US providing cash, weapons and surveillance for Israel's state terrorism against Palestinians qualify the US as a "state sponsor of terrorism"? According to B'Tselem's figures from 2000 all the way through the end of 2019, while Palestinian militants have killed a total of 301 Israeli civilians, Israeli security forces have killed 5,279 Palestinians who did not take part in hostilities, or were killed during the course of targeted killings (which are illegal under international law).
Likewise, if Iran is considered a state sponsor of terrorism because it provides material support to Hezbollah, what does that say about US support for Israel, whose illegal occupation of southern Lebanon prompted Hezbollah's rise? In the conflict over Lebanon, Israel has been responsible for shedding far more civilian blood: According to Human Rights Watch, the 2006 Lebanon War resulted in the deaths of 43 Israeli civilians from Hezbollah's indiscriminate rocket attacks, and around 900 Lebanese civilian deaths from Israeli airstrikes.
Even though the vast majority of State Department-designated terrorist groups are Sunni extremists that view the West and Iran as their biggest enemies, Grayzone reporter Ben Norton has repeatedly noted that US officials dishonestly conflate Sunni miitant groups like Al Qaeda and ISIS--who advocate a genocidal takfiri policy towards civilians and fellow Muslims--with Shi'a Islamist groups like Hezbollah, which primarily attack military and government targets for the purpose of expelling US presence from the region.
Despite the dubious media consensus on Iran being the world's greatest state sponsor of terrorism, annual reports from the National Counterterrorism Center attribute the vast majority of terrorist attacks since 2001 to "Sunni extremists" who adhere to the Wahabbi-Salafi ideology, held in common by ISIS and Al Qaeda. US ally Saudi Arabia spends vast sums of money to export this extremist Sunni ideology--while Iranian/Shi'ite terrorism isn't even a category in US counterterrorism reporting, and is a much smaller threat than domestic white nationalist terrorist attacks. Yet, under current US law, Americans can sue Iran, but not Saudi Arabia, for terrorism in US courts, because Iran is on the US list of designated state sponsors of terrorism and Saudi Arabia is not.
Aside from the alleged link between Saudi officials and the 9/11 attacks killing nearly 3,000 people on US soil, Saudi Arabia's genocidal war to crush Yemeni independence (considered by the UN to be the world's worst humanitarian crisis) can also qualify as state sponsorship of terrorism.
According to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), the conflict has caused over 100,000 deaths since 2015. While the Houthi rebels have killed over 2,000 civilians, Saudi Arabia has killed 8,000 by deliberately attacking civilian targets. The US sponsors Saudi Arabia by being its biggest arms dealer, as well as providing intelligence, training and refueling, which makes the US a partner to the Saudi-led coalition's war crimes (Guardian, 10/3/19).
Despite US media obfuscation, it's often admitted that Saudi Arabia couldn't wage this war without crucial US support, meaning the US could end this conflict anytime it wants to by withdrawing that support.
Even on the debate's own terms, there's a much stronger case that the US rather than Iran is actually the world's biggest state sponsor of terrorism. A country that supported bringing "the terrors of the earth" to Cuba to sabotage its revolutionary government, and funded terrorist Contra groups in Nicaragua with cash gained from selling weapons to Iran, as well as providing the groundwork for Al Qaeda and ISIS to emerge (Extra!, 1/02; FAIR.org, 11/22/19), has no credibility to designate any other state as a terrorist organization.
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