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Celebrating weapons makers, even with a nod and a wink, serves to normalize the U.S. role as the world’s premier arms producer while ignoring the consequences of that status.
I wrote a book about Lockheed Martin — the world’s largest arms-making conglomerate. But even I was surprised to learn that for a number of years now, they have also been involved in the fashion industry.
The revelation came in a recent New York Times piece on Kodak, which has had a minor resurgence, not by selling its own products, but by selling its name for use on a range of consumer products, produced by other firms, from luggage to eyewear to hoodies and t-shirts.
Deeper into the article it was mentioned in passing that Lockheed Martin had been doing the same. It linked to another article that noted that Lockheed Martin-branded cargo pants and hoodies have been a hit in South Korea since they were introduced a few years back. Brisk sales are continuing, with the Lockheed brand adorning streetwear with slogans like “Ensuring those we serve always stay ahead of ready.” One blue t-shirt dons the outline of an F-35 on the back, emblazoned with the motto “The F-35 strengthens national security, enhances global partnerships and powers economic growth.” It doesn’t exactly roll off the tongue, but at least it’s free advertising.
Lockheed Martin’s efforts at reputation laundering come at a moment when many arms industry leaders are vocally supporting — even applauding — armed violence.
Not to be outdone, emerging tech firms are selling limited edition fashion lines of their own. Palantir recently dropped a line of hats and tees that quickly sold out. Eliano Younes, Head of Strategic Engagement for Palantir, has noted that when they re-launched the Palantir shop that “the site almost crashed within four minutes.” And Anduril has partnered with Reyn Spooner to launch a limited drop of Hawaiian shirts — a favorite uniform of company founder Palmer Luckey.
Not everyone welcomes the entry of weapons makers into the fashion world. A critic of Lockheed’s apparel line who goes by the name of Opal noted, “They stopped killing people for just a minute to help them kill those looks . . . The people who made these decisions are either so out of touch or like unbelievably acutely aware of what’s going on, and I can’t really tell the difference.”
As Opal fears, the marriage of fashion and weapons makers may be a sign of the times, as shoppers welcome the entrance of arms makers into the consumer sector rather than seeing their foray into fashion as an exercise in poor taste. This is probably because military firms and the weapons they produce are so deeply embedded in our culture that many people view the companies as purveyors of neat technology while ignoring the devastating consequences that occur when those weapons are actually used.
Lockheed Martin’s efforts at reputation laundering come at a moment when many arms industry leaders are vocally supporting — even applauding — armed violence. Prominent Silicon Valley military tech executives like Luckey and Palantir CEO Alex Karp, have no compunction about glorifying war while their companies are paid handsome sums to build the tools needed to carry it out. Luckey, the 32-year old head of the military tech firm Anduril, asserts that “Societies have always needed a warrior class that is enthused and excited by enacting violence in pursuit of good aims.” He didn’t discuss who gets to decide what “good aims” are, or why being “excited” about killing fellow human beings could ever be a good thing.
And Karp held his company’s board meeting in Israel at the height of the Gaza war to cheer on Israel’s campaign of mass slaughter. At the time of the meeting, the company’s Executive VP Josh Harris announced that “Both parties have mutually agreed to harness Palantir’s advanced technology in support of war-related missions. This strategic partnership aims to significantly aid the Israeli Ministry of Defense in addressing the current situation.”
These attitudes contrast with the efforts of old school arms company leaders like former Lockheed Martin CEO Norman Augustine, who was a master at burnishing the image of his company while downplaying its role as a primary producer of weapons at war.
Augustine led by personal example, working closely with the Boy Scouts and the Red Cross, championing science education, and speaking regularly of the need for corporate ethics, which he seemed to equate mostly with acts of charity by company employees, not with grappling with moral questions about how his company’s weapons were being used.
To a lesser degree, Augustine’s approach continues to this day. Company press releases describe Lockheed Martin as a firm that is “driving innovation and advancing scientific discovery.” The company’s image-building efforts include support for scholarships in STEM education, funding programs to build and upgrade facilities serving veterans, supporting food banks and disaster response programs, and more. There’s nothing wrong with helping fund a good cause, but it shouldn’t be allowed to obscure the company’s other activities.
The weapons produced by Lockheed Martin have fueled the war in Gaza, and they were integral to Saudi Arabia’s brutal war in Yemen, an effort that included bombing funerals, a school bus, hospitals, civilian markets and water treatment plants in Yemen, in a war that cost nearly 400,000 lives through the direct and indirect means, from indiscriminate bombing the the enforcement of a blockade the hindered imports of food and medical supplies.
On the rare occasions that arms industry executives are asked about the human impacts of their products, they usually say they are only doing what the government allows. They fail to mention that they spend large sums of money and effort trying to shape government policy, making it easier to rush weapons to foreign clients without adequate consideration of their possible uses in aggressive wars or systematic repression.
Given all of this, Lockheed Martin’s endorsement of a line of street clothing seems like a relatively harmless side show. But celebrating weapons makers, even with a nod and a wink, serves to normalize the U.S. role as the world’s premier arms producer while ignoring the consequences of that status.
America needs to be able to defend itself and its allies, but celebrating war and preparations for war is not the way to do it. We need more reflection and less celebration. And we need to call weapons makers what they are, not welcome the use of their names as marketing tools designed to sell consumer products.
The real question as we try to dig ourselves out of a period of devastating wars and increasing global tension is whether we need huge weapons firms like Lockheed Martin at all, or if there is a more efficient, humane way to provide for the common defense, less focused on profit and PR and more focused on developing the tools actually needed to carry out a more rational, restrained defense strategy.
A genocide backed by economic interests is a big problem involving powerful actors. However, many people are taking action to affect the status quo.
Six months ago, a United Nations Special Committee found that Israel’s warfare methods in Gaza were consistent with genocide. The UN defines genocide as “acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group.” The Special Committee pointed to the fact that Israel had dropped over 25,000 tonnes of explosives—equivalent to two nuclear bombs—on Gaza in just four months. Interference with humanitarian aid, leading to starvation, was another atrocity. The Committee stated, “By destroying vital water, sanitation, and food systems, and contaminating the environment, Israel has created a lethal mix of crises that will inflict severe harm on generations to come.”
Disapproval amongst Americans is growing. Yet the U.S. government continues to provide Israel with billions of taxpayer dollars of military aid per year. The ultimate recipient of this aid isn’t Israel; it’s the U.S. defense industry. More specifically, it’s the individuals who benefit from the industry’s growth.
Millionaire CEOs benefit from the consumption of military goods and services that, so far, have enabled the killing of well over 50,000 people—nearly a third of them under 18. Lobbying and campaign contributions help ensure that their profits increase. It’s a vicious cycle that only a society obsessed with growth could stomach.
In their horrific October 7, 2023, attack, Hamas killed more than 1,200 Israelis and foreign nationals and took 251 hostages. Even before this attack, many nations designated Hamas as a terrorist organization dedicated to Israel’s destruction. They cite its charter and longstanding tactics of suicide bombings, indiscriminate rocket fire, and the use of human shields.
Yet Hamas’s actions have been eclipsed in the minds of many Americans by the scenes of devastation streaming from Gaza. More Americans think the United States is providing too much military aid to Israel (34%) than not enough aid (17%) or the right amount (26%). Democrats and Republicans alike are trending toward less favorable views of the war and the United States’s involvement. Still, a majority of Republicans support maintaining or increasing military aid to Israel, which makes the Trump administration’s approach unsurprising.
The same can’t be said for the preceding Biden administration or the Harris campaign. A strong majority of Democratic voters think the U.S. should stop weapons shipments to Israel. Why, then, did Biden allocate over $23 billion in taxes to that end? And why didn’t the Harris campaign, desperate for votes, promise to halt the controversial military aid?
Many complex factors influence the United States’ relationship with Israel. The Middle East is a critical fossil-fuel producer. There are an estimated three billion barrels of oil beneath and off the coast of Palestinian lands. The United States may also be motivated to match Russia’s recent relationship-building in the region. We would be remiss, however, not to acknowledge the influence of the entities cashing the military-aid check: U.S. defense corporations, such as Boeing, General Dynamics, and Lockheed Martin.
Ecological limits to growth are certainly at play as a driver of Israel’s conflict. In addition to attracting global interests for its fossil-fuel reserves, the region lacks sufficient water and arable land to sustainably support its dense and growing population. However, this story is more about the social consequences of the neoliberal economic-growth model and the actors that drive it.
Virtually every industry exploits someone to grow beyond local resource limits, but the defense industry deserves unique scrutiny. For one thing, violent death is a particularly heinous breed of exploitation. For another, the government is especially committed to the defense industry’s growth. It sees growth as the only way to maintain “military primacy,” the long-time top priority of U.S. foreign policy.
Since its founding, Israel has received more U.S. aid than any other country, at $310 billion. The next biggest aid recipient, Egypt, has received just over half that much ($168 billion). The vast majority of the $310 billion is military, as opposed to economic, aid.
It is one matter to support a strategic ally in defending itself from hostile neighbors. It is quite another matter to provide 23 billion taxpayer dollars as your ally’s “defense” morphs into a genocide. To put that figure into perspective, the United States committed a total of $79 billion in foreign assistance in 2023. A quarter of that was military aid. The rest was economic aid (which the Trump administration has since eviscerated).
Israel is unique in that it has historically been permitted to use some of its U.S. military aid on Israeli equipment and services. However, the United States is phasing out that privilege. It has required Israel to spend most of the aid provided since October 2023 on transactions with U.S. defense contractors. Adapting to these requirements, Israeli contractors have begun transferring personnel and capacities to the United States (contributing to U.S. military primacy). Large Israeli firms, such as Elbit Systems and UVision, have opened U.S. subsidiaries, but smaller arms makers lack the resources to start U.S. operations.
The UN Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs warned that “the conflict in Lebanon, coupled with intensified strikes in Syria and the raging violence in Gaza and the occupied West Bank, points to a region dangerously teetering on the brink of an all-out war.” Who would benefit from an all-out war in the Middle East? The same corporations benefiting from the conflict to date: a long list topped by Boeing, General Dynamics, Lockheed Martin, and RTX (formerly Raytheon and United Technologies).
Details about weapons provisions to Israel have been shrouded in secrecy, in contrast to less-controversial provisions to Ukraine. However, documentation of recent major arms sales helps paint a picture.
In August 2024, the Boeing Corporation received an $18.8 billion contract for F-15 fighter jets and related equipment. Boeing was the lead contractor for an additional $6.8 billion munitions package, approved by the State Department this February. These contracts are a lifeline for the company, which has seen financial losses for the last six years. Boeing’s Defense Space Security Segment accounted for a plurality of its revenue in 2024.
Also in February, General Dynamics, Ellwood National Forge Company, and McAlester Army Ammunition Plant were listed as the “prime” contractors on a $2 billion sale of over 35 thousand bomb bodies and four thousand “Penetrator” warheads. Unlike Boeing, General Dynamics is thriving. The company netted $3.8 billion in 2024, up 14 percent from 2023. At the outset of the conflict, the company’s executive vice president (who receives over $9 million in annual compensation) said, “You know, the Israel situation obviously is a terrible one…But I think if you look at the incremental demand potential coming out of that, the biggest one to highlight and that really sticks out is probably on the artillery side.”
We tend to accept corporate greed, as an inevitable evil or even a beneficial quality in a free market economy. A company’s primary responsibility is to its shareholders, after all. However, there are living, breathing human beings hiding behind these “corporate” norms.
Defense-industry managers and shareholders personally benefit from the production of goods and services used for genocide. To sleep at night, they might tell themselves that the deaths of 16 thousand children are collateral damage that’s unfortunate but necessary to stop Hamas. They probably even tell themselves that evolution means survival of the fittest, and they have no obligation to care.
Who are these people? Meet Boeing’s CEO, Kelly Ortberg. Boeing brought Ortberg on last year, inspired by his performance at Rockwell Collins, where he oversaw $9 billion in sales growth (thanks in part to acquisitions like Arinc). Ortberg has been tasked with pulling the company out of its financial slump and smoothing over safety-incident controversies. Boeing compensates him well for his troubles, to the tune of $18 million per year.
Ortberg’s estimated net worth of $26 million is chump change compared to the General Dynamics CEO’s net worth. In fact, Phebe Novakovic earned almost that much ($24 million) in 2024 alone, bringing her net worth to an estimated $450 million (up from just $150 million in 2020). Novakovic is the sixth highest-paid woman in the United States.
During a shareholder meeting, an activist confronted Novakovic about the company’s involvement with repressive dictatorships. The activist asserted that a Saudi-led coalition used General Dynamics’ products to bomb a marketplace in Yemen in 2016, killing 25 children and 75 additional civilians. Novakovic responded, “We can define and we can debate who is evil and who is not, but we do support the policy of the U.S. and I happen to believe…the policy of the U.S. is just and fair.”
RTX Corporation compensated its CEO, Christopher Calio, $18 million in 2024. Kathy Warden, Northrop Grumman’s CEO, and Jim Taiclet, Lockheed Martin’s CEO, were each compensated $24 million. This brought their net worths to an estimated $108 million and $84 million, respectively. It’s worth noting that a significant portion of these CEOs’ compensation—between 55 and 87 percent for the five CEOs mentioned—is in the form of stock and stock options in their companies. This incentivizes them to push for growth at all costs (even genocide), as growth often determines share prices.
These defense CEOs live private lives, so we cannot say whether they hoard their wealth or spend it on a luxurious lifestyle (evidence suggests millionaires usually do the latter). But make no mistake, they are disproportionately contributing to the drawdown of natural resources and the social infractions that inevitably accompany it. Every dollar “printed” into the economy is linked to environmental impact. Therefore, the impact of someone earning $20 million per year is almost 1,500 times bigger than that of the average global citizen. (This is the logic for capping salaries.)
Money is power, often wielded to influence policymakers and ensure further economic gains. Novakovic believes U.S. policy is “just and fair,” yet General Dynamics spent $15.6 million to influence it in 2024 ($12.2 on lobbying and $3.4 on campaign contributions). To smartly invest this money, the company employs 50 lobbyists (out of 77 total) who’ve previously held government jobs. They’ve even hired former congressman Jim Moran via his lobbying firm, Moran Global Strategies. Moran served as a Virginia representative for 24 years.
The defense sector spent a total of $149 million on lobbying and $43 million on campaign contributions in 2024 (Boeing, categorized under the transportation sector, spent $12 million and $6 million, respectively). Many other sectors, including health, transportation, and agribusiness, spent more than defense, cumulatively. However, some particularly big spenders characterize the defense sector. RTX, Lockheed Martin, and General Dynamics alone made up 26 percent of the sector’s lobbying, ranking 19, 21, and 22 out of all lobbying clients.
In the last Congress, the bill most frequently lobbied by both RTX and Lockheed Martin (General Dynamics was right on their heels) was the 2024 National Defense Authorization Act. It included several provisions to increase U.S. military aid to Israel, including $500 million for U.S.-Israel missile defense programs.
Companies that spent over $5 million on lobbying in 2024. The revolving door column displays the percentage of the company’s lobbyists who previously held government jobs. (OpenSecrets)
Lobbying money can go far with the right expertise. Over 60 percent of the defense sector’s 948 lobbyists used to hold government positions. This “revolving door” works both ways, as evidenced by reverse revolvers like Lloyd Austin. Before being appointed secretary of defense under the Biden administration, Austin earned seven figures from defense companies. Amongst these was United Technologies, which later merged into RTX. He also worked at Pine Island Capital Partners, a private equity firm that invests in defense companies and advertises its access to DC.
This is how unsustainable growth gets woven into the social fabric: one wealthy, powerful interest and one influenced policymaker at a time. Of course, defense-industry growth isn’t the only factor prompting the United States to support Israel. However, even the White House acknowledges it’s a special consideration. It justified a $92 billion emergency supplemental request that included support for Israel on the basis that it would make “significant and much needed investments in the American defense industrial base, benefitting U.S. military readiness and helping to create and sustain jobs in dozens of states across America.”
A genocide backed by economic interests is a big problem involving powerful actors. However, many people are taking action to affect the status quo. One approach that has gained momentum is to divest from defense corporations selling arms to Israel and encourage institutions to do the same. Since the start of the conflict, campus activists have successfully pressured several universities to take divestment action. These include the University of San Francisco, San Francisco State University, and Portland State University.
Another approach is to tell your political representatives to stop arming Israel with your tax dollars. This can be done individually or via a coalition. Last year, one coalition of over 75 organizations and another of 100 journalists called on politicians to “stop arming Israel.” Clearly, their success has been limited to date. However, a critical mass of grassroots lobbying is hard for elected representatives to ignore. At a certain scale, it may even outcompete the corporate lobbying of the defense sector.
This article first appeared at the Steady State Herald, a publication by the Center for the Advancement of the Steady State Economy (CASSE).
"What did we do after we were attacked in Pearl Harbor?" asked Sen. Lindsey Graham. "We dropped two nuclear weapons on two Japanese cities."
Congressional Republicans funded by the arms industry lashed out Wednesday over U.S. President Joe Biden's belated threat to withhold American weaponry from Israel if it launches a full-scale ground invasion of the Gaza city of Rafah, which is currently facing a humanitarian nightmare.
Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), who received hundreds of thousands of dollars in campaign donations from pro-Israel interests and the weapons industry during his 2020 reelection campaign, declared that Biden's threat "put our friends in Israel in a box."
"What did we do after we were attacked in Pearl Harbor?" Graham, who previously encouraged Israel to "level" Gaza, said in a Fox News appearance late Wednesday. "We dropped two nuclear weapons on two Japanese cities... What is Joe Biden doing? He's making it impossible for allies throughout the world to trust us, he's making it hard on Israel to win."
Lindsey Graham: What do we do after we were attacked in Pearl Harbor? We dropped nuclear weapons on Japanese cities pic.twitter.com/kh7RU4flDw
— Acyn (@Acyn) May 9, 2024
Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.) echoed Graham, falsely claiming that Biden has "imposed an arms embargo on Israel" and endorsed "a Hamas victory against Israel." Lockheed Martin, one of the world's biggest weapons manufacturers and a major beneficiary of Israel's war on Gaza, was the fourth-largest contributor to Cotton's campaign committee in 2020, the last time the senator ran for reelection.
The notion that Biden's threat to withhold future weapons deliveries to Israel undercuts the country's ability to assail Gaza was contradicted by a U.S. official who told The Washington Post that "the Israeli military has enough weapons supplied by the U.S. and other partners to conduct the Rafah operation if it chooses to cast aside U.S. objections."
Earlier this week, numerous media outlets reported that the Biden administration opted to delay a shipment of thousands of Boeing-made bombs over concerns about Israel's impending assault on Rafah. On Tuesday, Israeli ground forces entered Rafah and seized control of the city's border crossing with Egypt, imperiling humanitarian aid operations there.
Biden, who has approved more than 100 weapons sales to Israel and billions of dollars in additional aid since the October 7 Hamas-led attack, falsely said Wednesday that Israeli forces "haven't gone in Rafah yet," raising questions over the practical implications of his threat to withhold U.S. weapons in the case of a ground invasion.
But Republicans nevertheless fumed over Biden's approach, showing no concern for the humanitarian catastrophe that Israel's military—armed to the teeth with American weapons—has inflicted on Gaza.
In a letter to the president on Wednesday, House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.)—both major recipients of arms industry cash throughout their careers—wrote that delaying weapons deliveries "risks emboldening Israel's enemies and undermining the trust that other allies and partners have in the United States."
Johnson and McConnell, along with most congressional Democrats, supported a sprawling foreign aid package last month that authorized around $17 billion in military assistance for Israel. Reuters reported that Lockheed Martin and RTX—formerly Raytheon—both "stand to profit" from the measure.
Raytheon's PAC donated $18,500 to McConnell's 2020 reelection campaign.
Contrary to the position of congressional Republicans, progressive foreign policy analysts and anti-war organizations said Biden would be adhering to U.S. law if he halts weapons deliveries to Israel. Section 620I of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 prohibits U.S. military assistance to any country that is impeding the provision of American humanitarian aid—something Israel has done repeatedly.
"Enforcing our laws and making clear that the U.S. will not transfer offensive weapons to support a disastrous military operation that endangers millions of Palestinians throughout Gaza is vital," Sara Haghdoosti, executive director of Win Without War, said in a statement Wednesday.
"U.S. law gives the president ample power to ensure that no more U.S. arms go to [Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin] Netanyahu's brutal war in Gaza," said Haghdoosti. "With a crucial cease-fire deal within reach, added pressure from the Biden administration can help end this war and create a path to a sustainable peace for people in Israel and Palestine. We once again urge the president to use every tool available to him to secure a cease-fire in Gaza and the release of all hostages."