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The constitutional revisions approved in the July 1, 2011 referendum can significantly advance Moroccans' rights, but only if authorities use these new constitutional principles to reform repressive laws and practices, Human Rights Watch said today.
Among the practices that need to be brought into line with the constitution is the police response to peaceful protest, Human Rights said. Since Moroccans began demonstrating in the streets on February 20 to demand major political reforms, inspired by the protest movements sweeping the Arab world, the police have responded on several occasions with extreme brutality. They have beaten peaceful protesters to the point where scores required medical care such as stitches and treatment of broken bones. At least one died in the hospital after being beaten, although the cause of death remains unclear.
"The real test of the Moroccan government's commitment to human rights is in whether it respects its citizens' rights in practice," said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "It's not enough to adopt a constitution that affirms, 'No one may harm the physical or moral integrity of another in any circumstance' and then allow the police to club peaceful demonstrators."
The constitutional reforms include several provisions that reinforce citizens' rights, including gender equality, freedom of expression "in all its forms," freedom of association, assembly and peaceful protest, the right to a fair trial, and the criminalization of torture, arbitrary detention, and forced disappearance. The constitution precludes press censorship. It requires the authorities to tell anyone they detain "immediately" of the reasons and of their rights. The amendments also grant powers to the prime minister that previously were exclusively the king's.
Among the many Moroccan laws that need to be brought into line with the new constitution's sweeping affirmation of these principles are provisions of the press code and penal code that provide prison terms for expression, Human Rights Watch said. These include speech or writing that "defames" public officials or state institutions under articles 45 and 46 of the press code or that "brings harm to" Islam, the monarchy, or Morocco's sovereignty claim over Western Sahara, under article 41.
The organizers of most of the demonstrations in recent months are from the February 20 Movement for Change, a loosely knit and mostly youth-based group inspired by the uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia. The group's slogans focus on freedom and democracy, and an end to corruption and repression. At times they have made more specific calls, such as to vastly curtail the king's powers and prerogatives and to free political prisoners. The powerful Islamist movement Justice and Spirituality, the far-left small party the Democratic Path, and the Moroccan Association for Human Rights, among others, have endorsed the February 20 Movement's goals.
On several occasions, including during much of June, authorities did not interfere with demonstrations the movement had organized in major cities. But on several other occasions since February, security forces in Rabat, Casablanca, and elsewhere assaulted demonstrators.
Human Rights Watch interviewed protesters in Rabat, Casablanca, and Kenitra who were beaten. They said that security forces assaulted protesters as they were gathering, with no warning, charging them with batons and striking them on their bodies and, in some cases, their heads. In other instances, as protesters were dispersing, security forces pursued protesters down side streets to continue beating them.
The beatings they described would appear designed to mete out summary punishment. Their numerous and consistent accounts contradict official claims that the security forces used only the force necessary to disperse "unauthorized" gatherings, or to disperse people who blocked traffic or disobeyed orders.
There is no obvious explanation for the government's vacillation between allowing peaceful demonstrations on some days and, on other days, violently repressing peaceful demonstrations that were organized under the same slogans, Human Rights Watch said.
The independent Moroccan Association for Human Rights says that it has documented over 100 cases of injuries to protesters inflicted by the security forces between February and the end of May. To the best of Human Rights Watch's knowledge, no member of the security forces has been prosecuted for using violence unjustifiably against protesters.
Some of the harshest police violence occurred at peaceful protests on May 15, 22, 28, and 29. Human Rights Watch interviewed numerous people who tried to take part in those demonstrations and in earlier ones where police beat protesters.
On May 15 in Temara, as protesters tried to hold a picnic outside a facility thought to be a secret prison, police intercepted arriving demonstrators, blocked them, and beat many of them, pursuing them as they fled to continue beating them.
On May 22 in Rabat and Casablanca, police in large numbers were waiting for demonstrators and began to beat them, and in some cases detain and beat them, as soon as they arrived.
On May 28 and 29, protesters in Rabat, Casablanca, and Kenitra were beaten severely and in some cases detained.
Moroccan law requires organizers of an outdoor demonstration to notify authorities in advance, and authorities may forbid the demonstration in writing if they deem it likely to "disturb the public order," under article 13 of the law on public gatherings.
Some of the February 20 Movement protest organizers said that they had not been notifying authorities because they believed the government would forbid their protests under any circumstances. A few said that even though they had not notified the authorities, the authorities served them with written notifications that the protests they were planning would be unauthorized.
For example, Karim Tazy, a 52-year-old Casablanca businessman who supports the protests, received one such notice on May 26, signed by the director of general affairs, Najib Grani, under the order of the Wali (governor) of Casablanca, warning him that a demonstration planned for May 29 was not authorized.
Even when dispersing demonstrations that authorities deem unauthorized or threatening to the public order, international standards allow law enforcement agents to use force only as a last resort. According to the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials, in the dispersal of assemblies that are "unlawful but non-violent, law enforcement officials shall avoid the use of force or, where that is not practicable, shall restrict such force to the minimum extent necessary" to disperse the protest.
Article 19 of Morocco's law on public gatherings requires law enforcement agents to issue three oral warnings to disperse via megaphones before they scatter protesters forcibly. The beatings with batons of peaceful protesters, with no warning, and continuing long after protests have been dispersed, violate these standards.
Lawyers representing protesters told Human Rights Watch that a number of protesters have filed formal complaints to the courts about the beatings. Prosecutors have in some cases charged protesters with participating in an "unauthorized" gathering or other charges such as disobeying orders of a public agent, constitution of a "criminal gang," and destruction of private property. But authorities have not, to Human Rights Watch's knowledge, announced any investigations or prosecutions of those responsible for the brutal violence against the protesters, except for the investigation into the death of a protester, Kamal Ammari, in Safi (see below).
"Moroccans voted for a constitution that contains bold language in favor of human rights," Whitson said. "Nothing can show more quickly that their 'yes' vote means reforms in practice than a new respect by authorities for the right to demonstrate and sanctions against officers who beat protesters without cause."
May 15, Temara
The February 20 Movement tried to organize a picnic outside the headquarters of the General Direction of the Surveillance of the Territory (Direction generale de la Surveillance du territoire, or DGST), which is widely suspected of housing a secret interrogation facility, despite government denials. The purpose, the organizers said, was to support political reform and the release of political prisoners via an afternoon of plays, poetry, and music.
The event never took place because the security forces intercepted the would-be participants as they gathered in front of the nearby Aswak Essalam supermarket. In some cases, security forces stopped protesters as they drove up to the supermarket, asked for their IDs and searched their bags, and then ordered them to leave.
Other protesters who reached the supermarket said that the security forces detained them or beat them to keep them from going further. Mohammed Allal el-Fajeri, a 34-year-old journalist from the city of Sale, said that when he got to the supermarket, security forces asked him and a friend for their IDs, took photos of them, and detained them:
The police were clubbing people everywhere, with no warning.... They put me in a big police vehicle and called me gay, a traitor, and a criminal. Then they took me to the police station in Temara. There they took our cellphones and got us to give them our phones' PIN codes by warning us that they could use "other means" to get us to comply. They went into our phones' address books, copied phone numbers and deleted our pictures ... They asked us questions about our work, families, and political affiliations. They kept me at the police station asking questions during four-and-a-half hours, when I had been at the protest for only 15 minutes ... Afterward they let me go."
A protest leader, Oussama el-Khlifi, a 23-year-old from Rabat who has a degree in information sciences but is unemployed, told Human Rights Watch he and a few other friends made it to the intended site of the demonstration, where 100 or so people had managed to gather. But as soon as they chanted their first slogan, he said, the police moved in to disperse them.
"We ran away but the police followed us for about 800 meters," el-Khlifi said. "I was in a group of about 11 protesters, pursued by police in their cars." El-Khlifi said that he ended up in a cul-de-sac. "I tried to hide in a store but the police found me. They forced me to say, 'Long live the king' and they hit me on my shoulder. When I didn't fall, they clubbed me on the head and I lost consciousness. When I regained consciousness, I found myself at the hospital, with a broken nose and an injured shoulder."
When Human Rights Watch interviewed el-Khlifi on June 8, injuries on his nose and elsewhere on his face were still visible. Selma Maarouf, a 22-year-old university student, also said security forces pursued and beat her after dispersing the protest.
"I tried to hide in a garage, but they followed me and kicked and beat me," Maarouf said. "I had bruises, I couldn't breathe or walk, and lost consciousness. One senior officer called me 'a bitch' as he struck me." Maarouf said that security forces beat her and other women in the protests between their legs with clubs.
Ashraf Taib Gouijjan, an 18-year-old high school student who also tried to reach the protest, said eight police in civilian clothes surrounded him outside the supermarket and beat him. They then left him, but when he tried to leave he was caught by another officer, who beat him. Gouijjan told Human Rights Watch:
He got me by the hair and pushed me down and started beating me with a club. When I was on the ground, holding my bag, he beat me until I let my bag go. He hit me in the jaw and legs. My jaw was not broken but for about a week it was painful to eat.
Nizar Bennamate, a 25-year-old journalism student, said that when he tried to join the demonstration, security forces took him to the back of a windowless police van and beat him and eight or nine others inside with clubs and a helmet.
"They didn't beat me on the head but everywhere else," Bennamate said. "They forced me to say, 'Long live the king' then slapped my face ... They took us to the police station. They asked me questions and held me for about 30 minutes."
Khalid Guemouri, an Islamist protester who says that he had once been detained in Temara, said that when he tried to reach the supermarket, intelligence agents stopped him.
"They asked for our IDs and names, and took photos of us," Guemouri said. "They told us to leave or it would be dangerous. I could see other security forces beating people."
Guemouri said he received calls that day from relatives of Islamist detainees who had tried to reach Temara from other cities but had been intercepted at bus stations by police officers who told them to return home. Guemouri headed to the Rabat bus station to meet relatives of prisoners who had been able to reach Rabat, and went with them to join another demonstration that was forming in front of the Parliament building in the heart of the city. Guemouri said,
It was a sit-in by about 150 people, but when activists from the February 20 movement arrived and started chanting their slogans, the security forces moved in to beat them and violently disperse the sit-in. It lasted only three minutes... the security forces attacked us without prior warning. We were shouting slogans against corruption and tyranny, and for democracy and freedom. They beat me on the back first with clubs, and then on the head. I started to bleed from the head. As the police charged us, we kept chanting slogans like "Peaceful!" The police retreated for a while and then attacked again.
Human Rights Watch observed Guemouri's head injury on June 9 as well as a video of him in the demonstration, bleeding from the head.
Commenting to the press on the events at Temara that day, Communication Minister Khalid Naciri said that the demonstrators had not sought advance permission and that, when notified that they were acting outside the law, they opted for defiance.
May 22, Casablanca and Rabat
Hamza Mahfoudh, a 26-year old philosophy and journalism student who developed many of the slogans for the February 20 Movement, said that he tried to join a demonstration on May 22 in the Sbata neighborhood of Casablanca. But when he arrived he found security forces beating protesters, whom they outnumbered, to disperse them. Mahfoudh told Human Rights Watch:
We tried to get people to come from smaller streets into larger ones so that our numbers would be bigger .... We got about 500 people together in a side street, but when we tried to join others the security forces attacked us... I hid in a house [but when I left, the security forces] beat me on the hand and dislocated my finger. People were just chanting, "Peaceful, peaceful until the realization of freedom." Hundreds were hurt that day.
In Rabat the same day, Khalid Guemouri said that he tried to join a February 20 movement demonstration in the Akkari neighborhood at 4 p.m. But the security forces got there first.
"Everyone who arrived was beaten, so we never gathered," Guemouri said. He added that a group of demonstrators decided to regroup at Bab el-Had, closer to downtown, but when he got there, "The police went crazy and started beating anyone on the sidewalks. I saw a policeman on a bike driving into the crowd ... people tried to stop him but he threatened one guy with a gun."
Guemouri said that four security agents caught him and took him to a vehicle, where they beat him and seven others. They then took him to a police station.
"There were 17 of us at the police station, all from the February 20 movement. I was the only Islamist," Guemouri said. "They photographed, fingerprinted, and questioned us."
Guemouri said the police then took six of the group to cells underground.
"They didn't let us contact our families or lawyers.... I was not told the reason for my detention," Guemori said." He said after 48 hours the police took them before the general prosecutor on charges of disturbing traffic and participating in an "unauthorized" gathering. "After an hour, the prosecutor said he had received orders to release us."
In a May 22 dispatch, the official Maghreb Arab Presse agency stated, "These marches, more and more frequent, interfere with traffic in the cities, not to mention the harm they are causing to commercial activity. As a result, the forces of order were obliged to intervene to restore respect for the law by dispersing these marches."
May 28, Rabat; May 29, Casablanca; and May 28 and 29, Kenitra
On May 28, security forces assaulted protesters in Rabat and Kenitra, and on May 29 in Casablanca and Kenitra.
Hamza Mahfoudh, said that when he tried to join the May 29 demonstration in the Sbata neighborhood of Casablanca, police immediately targeted him and beat him so hard on the face and legs that when the police finally left, he lost consciousness when he tried to walk. Mahfoudh said:
Days after what happened I still can't feel one side of my face, and when I try to eat, it feels like an electric shock ... I had a fracture on the back of my shoulder.... Almost every day now I have to go to the hospital [for diagnostic tests] because I still pass out from time to time.
Mohammed Allal el-Fajeri, 34, one of the founders of the February 20 movement and a journalist working for www.marayapress.net, said that on May 28, the movement had also planned a rally for 5 p.m. in Sale, the large city next to Rabat where he lives. Earlier that day, authorities brought to his home a written notice saying that the rally was forbidden, even though the movement had not requested permission. El-Fajeri went to the site of the intended rally, but he said that after two minutes, plainclothes police detained him and another demonstrator and put them in a police car:
They asked what we were doing there when the march had been banned. We said we had never requested permission ... They took us to the station ... and interrogated us. They took our IDs and asked questions about our positions regarding the king ... and what we meant by chants like "Mahkzen [a Moroccan term connoting the state and public administration], get out!" or our demand to amend article 19 of the constitution [the article of the 1996 constitution, since amended, that designates the king as the "Commander of the Faithful" and the "supreme representative of the nation"]. They kept saying that if I didn't answer they would "change my behavior."
Released later that day, el-Fajeri told Human Rights Watch on June 8 that he continued to receive anonymous warnings that he will not find a job unless he tells other activists to stop protesting.
On May 29, security forces in the town of Safi, 208 kilometers southwest of Casablanca, beat Kamal Ammari, a 30-year old protester who belonged to the Islamist Justice and Spirituality association, said Mohamed Aghnaj, a Casablanca-based lawyer who also belongs to Justice and Spirituality and who represents Ammari's family. Ammari suffered a broken knee and possibly broken ribs, Aghnaj said. Ammari went home that night, but went to a hospital a couple of days later because he was not feeling well. He died in the hospital on June 2.
The office of the prosecutor announced that the team of forensic doctors concluded that Ammari died from a "extensive pneumonopathy with cerebral anoxia" that had "aggravated the effects of a simple blow to the torso that would normally have been benign but that led to death in the absence of prompt and adequate treatment." The prosecutor's office said it had "ordered the police to conduct a comprehensive and thorough inquiry to determine the circumstances of the death."
Ammari's family filed a complaint with the general prosecutor and asked for the release of the full autopsy report on Ammari's death. The report had not been released as of July 4, Aghnaj said.
Five Islamist protesters - Said el-Azhari, 39; el-Moustafa el-Amghari, 40; Boughaba Roudane, 42; Nabil el-Amghari, 22; and Mohammed Moujane, 50 - in the city of Kenitra, 40 kilometers northeast of Rabat, told Human Rights Watch that the security forces beat them during protests organized by the February 20 movement on May 28 and 29. Roudane said that on May 28 he was participating in a protest in Kenitra when police began beating the protesters with wooden clubs.
"I tried to protect an old man, and they hit me on the arm and broke it, Roudane said." When Human Rights Watch interviewed Roudane on June 8, his arm was in a sling.
El-Amghari said that police detained him and four other demonstrators at another protest in Kenitra on May 29, and took them into the woods, handcuffed, placed them face down on the ground, and beat them on the backs and legs with wooden clubs. They later uncuffed them and left them in the woods to walk back on their own.
February and March Attacks
Human Rights Watch received similar reports of violence in Rabat on February 21 and 23, and in Casablanca on March 13, as well as in other cities on the same dates.
On February 21, the day after the authorities had allowed protesters in cities across the country to hold the first nationwide demonstrations for political change, police in Rabat clubbed demonstrators who had gathered in Bab el-Had square. Khadija Ryadi, the president of the Moroccan Association for Human Rights, was among those who went to the hospital for treatment after being beaten.
On February 23, police in Rabat forcibly dispersed a small demonstration called by the Moroccan Democratic Network for Support of the People in front of the Libyan Cultural Center. The police beat would-be participants, including Abdelkhaleq Benzekri, Abdelillah Benabdeslam, Montassir Idrissi, and Taoufik Moussa'if. Moussa'if, a human rights lawyer who is active in the judicial reform association Adala, told Human Rights Watch that as protesters arrived, a senior officer ordered them to disperse. When they refused, the officer ordered the use of force and the police beat him on the head, shoulders, and feet. Benabdeslam, of the Moroccan Association for Human Rights, told Human Rights Watch that baton-wielding police clubbed the protesters hard on various parts of their bodies.
On March 13, Oussama el-Khlifi, a leader of the February 20 Movement said he and a friend tried to reach the site of a demonstration in Casablanca, but the police immediately detained them and beat them in a police car with batons.
"They just kept calling us traitors and atheists.... They took us to the police station ... where we were beaten and interrogated.... We were released at the end because other protesters, including political figures, held a sit-in [demanding our release]," el-Khlifi said.
Hamza Mahfoudh was also at the Casablanca demonstration on March 13, and says police beat him too.
"I found someone on the ground whose leg appeared to be broken ... I tried to get him to an ambulance, but police surrounded me and started to beat me. They took the expensive camera I had with me and smashed it," Mahfoudh said.
El-Khlifi and Mahfoudh both said that more than 100 demonstrators were detained in Casablanca that day.
Human Rights Watch is one of the world's leading independent organizations dedicated to defending and protecting human rights. By focusing international attention where human rights are violated, we give voice to the oppressed and hold oppressors accountable for their crimes. Our rigorous, objective investigations and strategic, targeted advocacy build intense pressure for action and raise the cost of human rights abuse. For 30 years, Human Rights Watch has worked tenaciously to lay the legal and moral groundwork for deep-rooted change and has fought to bring greater justice and security to people around the world.
"These shameless politicians are abusing their power to take away yours," Democratic Gov. Josh Stein told voters.
"The General Assembly works for North Carolina, not Donald Trump."
That's how the state's Democratic governor, Josh Stein, responded on Monday after Republican legislative leaders announced plans to vote on redrawing congressional districts for the 2026 midterms to appease the president.
"The Republican leadership in the General Assembly has failed to pass a budget, failed to pay our teachers and law enforcement what they deserve, and failed to fully fund Medicaid," Stein continued. "Now they are failing you, the voters."
"These shameless politicians are abusing their power to take away yours," he added. "I will always fight for you because the voters should choose their representatives, not the other way around."
Since Texas Republican lawmakers passed and Gov. Greg Abbott signed a new congressional map gerrymandered for the GOP in August after pressure from Trump, legislators in other states have pursued similar efforts.
Some Democrats in blue states have responded with proposals to draw GOP-held districts out of existence—including California Gov. Gavin Newsom, whose redistricting plans are on his state's November ballot.
Newsom was also among the critics calling out North Carolina Senate President Pro Tempore Phil Berger (R-26) on Monday:
As The Associated Press reported Monday:
North Carolina Republicans already created a map in 2023 that resulted in GOP candidates winning 10 of the state's 14 US House seats in 2024. That division compared to the 7-7 seat split between Democrats and the GOP under the map used in 2022.
Now, only one of the House districts—the 1st District, currently represented by Democratic Rep. Don Davis—is considered a true swing district and could be targeted by the GOP for an 11th seat.
Former Democratic Congressman Wiley Nickel, who did not seek another term in the House of Representatives after the North Carolina GOP redrew the map two years ago, slammed state lawmakers for trying to oust Davis: "I've seen this movie before—and I didn't like the ending. NC Republicans gerrymandered me out of my seat and cost Democrats control of Congress. Now they’re coming for Don Davis. They couldn't beat him at the ballot box, so they're going to cheat. That's not democracy—it's rigging the system."
Rep. Deborah Ross, one of the other three Democrats representing the state in the US House, said Monday that "for multiple election cycles, Republicans in North Carolina have used partisan gerrymandering to silence voters and manipulate their way into office. With this announcement, we have now reached a decisive turning point for our democracy—a moment when the courts and our elected representatives will need to decide whether it's acceptable for Republicans to blatantly rig elections to cement their hold on power."
"The context is critical. North Carolinians from both parties should be alarmed by credible reports that Phil Berger is pursuing redistricting as part of a corrupt bargain to secure a political endorsement from Donald Trump," she continued. "Republicans are waging a war on American voting rights because they know the truth—their policies are unpopular, their candidates are unlikable, and they can't win a majority in Congress without stacking the deck in their favor."
"Now is the time for people of good faith from both parties who care about the future of our democracy to make their voices heard. Will we allow a corrupt deal to go unchallenged? Will we allow power-hungry politicians to select their voters? Or will we stand up for the bedrock American principle that voters should be empowered to select their leaders?" she asked. "I'm committed to fighting for every North Carolinian who is tired of being silenced by Republicans in Raleigh and Washington."
“The Trump administration was handed tools to protect black lung and they are doing everything in their power to toss those rules in the trash,” said one campaigner ahead of a planned protest.
As the Trump administration moves ahead with a massive bailout for the coal industry as part of its "drill, baby, drill" pro-fossil fuel energy policy, miners suffering from black lung disease and their advocates are set for a Tuesday protest in Washington, DC to draw attention what they say is the government's failure to protect them.
Last month, the Department of Energy (DOE) announced a $625 million investment “to expand and reinvigorate America’s coal industry," despite the sedimentary rock being arguably the worst fossil fuel for both air pollution and the climate amid an ever-worsening planetary emergency. Burning coal for energy is the single largest contributor to planetary heating, accounting for over 40% of worldwide carbon dioxide emissions.
US Secretary of Energy Chris Wright said at the time that “beautiful, clean coal will be essential to powering America’s reindustrialization and winning the AI race," as generative artificial intelligence requires stupendous amounts of energy.
“The companies might be getting a handout, but the miners ain’t getting none."
The DOE's announcement followed the Mine Safety and Health Administration's (MSHA) blocking of a rule it finalized during the Biden administration to protect coal and other miners from silica dust, prolonged exposure to which causes black lung disease, which is formally called coal worker's pneumoconiosis.
The inhaled coal dust triggers chronic inflammation, causing scarring of lung tissue, reduced lung elasticity, and impaired oxygen flow. Lung and heart failure, infections including pneumonia, lung cancer, and other illnesses cause a slow and painful death. The disease is irreversible and there is no cure. According to the American Lung Association, "an estimated 16% of coal workers are affected" by black lung disease in the US, "and after decades of improvement, the number of cases of black lung disease is on the rise again."
As Trey Pollard of Appalachian Citizens' Law Center explained in an email Monday:
The rule was supposed to go into effect in April 2025. But instead MSHA blocked the rule, blaming mass layoffs at the [National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health] conducted by Secretary of Health and Human Services Robert F. Kennedy Jr. The mining industry also took the rule to court, where the 8th Circuit Court of Appeals put an indefinite pause of the rule after the administration failed to oppose the industry’s request. The next court update is scheduled for mid-October, a full six months after the rule’s planned enforcement date.
"Every day of delayed enforcement increases miners’ exposure to silica and their risk of black lung disease," Pollard added. "On October 14, miners, their families, and their supporters will gather in front of the Department of Labor to demand the administration fight to preserve the silica rule and to call for an end to the delays."
TOMORROW: Support miners rallying in DC outside the #USDOL!The longer the Trump admin waits, the more miners will get #blacklung. We must act now. ⛏️✊ Rally info here: loom.ly/xsY-jGE OR watch our instagram livestream w/ @appcitizenslaw.bsky.social
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— The BlueGreen Alliance (@bluegreenalliance.bsky.social) October 13, 2025 at 1:32 PM
The Washington, DC demonstration is being organized by the National Black Lung Association, with support from the United Mine Workers of America, Fayette County Black Lung Association, Kanawha County Black Lung Association, Wyoming County Black Lung Association, Virginia Black Lung Association Chapter 1, Virginia Black Lung Association Chapter 2, the Alliance for Appalachia, Appalachian Voices, Appalachian Citizens’ Law Center, and the BlueGreen Alliance.
“The Trump administration was handed tools to protect black lung and they are doing everything in their power to toss those rules in the trash,” BlueGreen Alliance executive director Jason Walsh told The New York Times' Lisa Friedman Monday.
Friedman interviewed miners suffering from black lung disease who said they felt abandoned by Trump, despite their support being a significant factor in his reelection.
“The companies might be getting a handout, but the miners ain’t getting none,” said 71-year-old National Black Lung Association president and retired miner Gary Hairston, who has been living with the disease since he was in his 40s.
Judith Riffe, whose husband Bernard died in March of complications from black lung disease after more than 40 years of work in West Virginia coal mines, told Friedman she wishes that the Trump administration would fight for miners as vigorously as it does for fossil fuel companies.
“Sure, they talk about how much they care about coal but come down here and look," Riffe said. “They’re mining a lot more now, the coal trucks and everything are running, but there’s no benefits for the coal miners coming in."
“The coal miners have supplied this country with electricity," she added, "and now they’re just cast aside to die.”
Press groups are also demanding justice for the more than 200 journalists slaughtered in Palestinian territory over the past two years.
Since a fragile ceasefire in the Gaza Strip began on Friday, press freedom advocates and critics of Israel's genocidal assault have issued new calls for international media access to the decimated Palestinian territory, including the largest Muslim civil rights and advocacy group in the United States.
"We encourage American and international media outlets to demand direct, unsupervised access to Gaza in the wake of the ceasefire agreement," the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) said in a statement on Monday, as Hamas returned 20 hostages taken on October 7, 2023 and Israel released over 1,900 imprisoned Palestinians, most of whom were taken captive by Israeli forces over the past two years.
CAIR urged reporters to demand access to "the 1,700 Palestinian men, women, and children going free after Israel occupation forces abducted them from Gaza, held them without charge, and reportedly subjected them to torture in prisons run by Itamar Ben-Gvir," the country's far-right minister of national security.
As Drop Site News' Ryan Grim noted on social media, some Palestinians are already speaking out about the torture they endured:
“Although many media outlets will understandably cover the release of Israeli hostages, it is important to also cover the stories of Palestinian civilians who were kidnapped and other Palestinian hostages who may not go free, such as Dr. Hussam Abu Safiya," said CAIR. "Ignoring Palestinian suffering would give the appearance of bias and create a warped, one-sided image for the public."
"It is particularly critical for American journalists to overcome the Israeli government's attempts to hide the aftermath of the US-funded devastation in Gaza," CAIR added. "Reporters must immediately receive access to Gaza so they can see and report on the consequences of the genocide for themselves."
Unsuccessfully pursuing a Nobel Peace Prize, US President Donald Trump announced last Wednesday night that Israel and Hamas had agreed to the first phase of his proposed plan for Gaza. On Monday, Trump addressed Israeli lawmakers. He also signed a peace deal document, as did Egyptian, Qatari, and Turkish leaders.
A report published last week by the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft and the Costs of War Project at Brown University found that the Trump and Biden administrations provided at least $21.7 billion in military aid to Israel since October 2023. The two-year Israeli assault—widely decried as genocide—has killed at least 67,869 Palestinians and wounded 170,105, the Gaza Health Ministry said Monday. Thousands of people remain missing, and experts believe the true toll is far higher.
Among those dead are hundreds of Palestinian journalists, who have worked to not only survive Gaza but also share stories from there over the past two years, as Israel has largely prevented any international reporters from entering the territory.
The various tallies of journalists slaughtered in Gaza go up to at least 271, which includes Saleh al-Jafarawi, a Palestinian reporter and content creator killed on Sunday. According to The New Arab:
Reports in Arabic media state that the armed militia was affiliated with Israel, and members of the group had been killing displaced Palestinians who were making their way back to their homes in the aftermath of the truce.
When he was found, after being announced as missing early on Sunday, he was wearing a press jacket.
The reporter had amassed a large following on social media for his fearless dispatches from on the ground, despite himself being displaced, starved, and his home bombed.
As Middle East Eye reported Monday, the slain journalist "was buried the same day as his brother Naji al-Jafarawi was released from an Israeli prison as part of an exchange of captives."
After Saleh al-Jafarawi's death, multiple social media users shared a video of him welcoming the ceasefire that started on Friday.
Jonathan Dagher, head of the Middle East Desk at Reporters Without Borders, or Reporters Sans Frontières (RSF), said in a Friday statement that "the relief of a ceasefire in Gaza must not distract from the absolute urgency of the catastrophic situation facing journalists in the territory."
Over 200 journalists have been killed by Israeli forces, "and the reporters still alive in Gaza need immediate care, equipment, and support," he noted. "They also need justice—more than ever. If the impunity for the crimes committed against them continues, they will be repeated in Gaza, Palestine, and elsewhere in the world. To bring justice to Gaza's reporters and to protect the right to information around the world, we demand arrest warrants for the perpetrators of crimes against our fellow journalists in Gaza."
"RSF is counting on the International Criminal Court (ICC) to act on the complaints we filed for war crimes committed against these journalists," added Dagher, whose group has filed five complaints with the tribunal since October 2023. "It's high time that the international community's response matched the courage shown by Palestinian reporters over the past two years."
The board of the Foreign Press Association in Jerusalem also released a statement on Friday. It said that "the FPA welcomes the agreement between the warring parties on a ceasefire in Gaza. With the halt in fighting, we renew our urgent call for Israel to open the borders immediately and allow international media free and independent access to the Gaza Strip."
"For the last two years, the FPA and its members have asked, through all channels, to be let into Gaza to report on the reality of the war. These demands have been repeatedly ignored, while our Palestinian colleagues have risked their lives to provide tireless and brave reporting from Gaza," the group continued.
Israel's Supreme Court is set to hear arguments in a related case next week, "but there is no reason to wait that long," the group added. "Enough with the excuses and delay tactics. The restrictions on press freedom must come to an end."