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The New York Times devoted some rare space on September 20
to discussing single-payer (or Medicare-for-all) health reform. The
result? A one-sided account of why such a system couldn't work.
With a headline like "Medicare for All? 'Crazy,' 'Socialized' and
Unlikely," readers probably had a sense of what the Times had in mind
with the piece, which was the latest in a series titled "Prescriptions:
Making Sense of the Healthcare Debate." Reporter Katharine Seelye
wrote: "Extending Medicare to all has seemed like a good idea to
many--except to those who call it 'socialized medicine.' Or crazy."
The Times seemed to want to express single-payer opposition
in more gentle tones, explaining that the idea is, from the start,
politically impractical: "Beyond a liberal base in the House, there is
little support for expanding Medicare." And outside of Congress, wise
minds seem to agree: "But even experts of diverse ideological views say
expanding Medicare would be far more complicated and politically
difficult than it might appear."
That led to the first claim: "For one thing, they say, Medicare
reimburses doctors and hospitals at much lower rates than private
insurance companies do. So, in general, healthcare providers oppose
extending Medicare because they fear being driven out of business."
It's not clear how serious this fear might be, since most doctors
participate in the Medicare system without going bankrupt. Any attempts
to reduce the skyrocketing costs of the healthcare system involve cuts
of one form or another; most single-payer proposals discuss how to do
this without shortchanging physicians. (U.S. doctors make, on average,
almost three times the median physician salary in other wealthy
industrial countries--Ezra Klein, 4/19/06.)
It's worth noting that thousands of doctors have voiced support for a
single-payer system (see, for example, Physicians for a National Health
Program's letter
to Barack Obama), in part because they believe they spend too much on
the administrative costs associated with private insurance companies. A
survey of physicians published in the Annals of Internal Medicine (4/1/08) found that 59 percent supported government-sponsored national health insurance.
Seelye also wrote that Medicare for all "would almost certainly mean a
big tax increase on the middle class," before noting in parentheses:
"Supporters argue that a tax increase would be somewhat neutralized by
the elimination of premiums that people pay now to insurance
companies." Actually, single-payer advocates argue that a payroll tax
on businesses (many of which currently pay for private insurance for
their employees) and a small income tax increase that would likely
amount to less than what most citizens currently pay out of pocket
could fund a single-payer program. By calling a "big tax increase" a
near-certainty and treating the savings on insurance premiums as a
claim made by advocates, the Times told readers which side it was on.
Seelye cited Stuart Altman--identified as "a Brandeis economist who
specializes in health care and who advised Barack Obama in his
presidential campaign," but not as a director of a managed-care company
that offers health insurance plans (WhoRunsGov.com)--to
make a similar point about potential tax increases, and then went to
"the other end of the political spectrum" to quote Robert Moffit of the
conservative Heritage Foundation: "I don't see popular support for it
beyond liberals.... It's a philosophical question: Do you want to give
the government that kind of power?"
Of course, one might point out that public polling for years has
demonstrated that support for single-payer is much broader than merely
a liberal sliver of the population (FAIR Action Alert, 3/12/09);
a July 2009 tracking poll from the Kaiser Family Foundation found 58
percent support for Medicare for all. But a piece detailing the
deficiencies of a "crazy" single-payer system is an unlikely venue for
that.
Seelye quoted Moffit saying that single-payer "would not save taxpayers
money," while another academic suggested it would "require a tripling
in payroll taxes just to pay hospitals alone." These are stark claims
that are at odds with the research of single-payer advocates and
experts. Physicians for a National Health Program, for example,
calculate the annual savings on administrative paperwork under a
single-payer system at more than $350 billion. International surveys of
health systems generally show that nations that have adopted public
plans spend far less than the U.S., and achieve better results (BMJ, 5/26/07).
So why couldn't the Times quote sources who would take issue with these claims? From the looks of it, balance wasn't the point here. The Times
collected a litany of criticisms of single-payer healthcare--in effect
rebutting claims that the paper rarely allows its advocates to make in
the first place.
ACTION:
Ask New York Times public editor Clark Hoyt why the Times
ran a piece devoted to undermining the case for single-payer healthcare
without allowing advocates to make the case in support of Medicare for
all.
CONTACT:
New York Times
Clark Hoyt, Public Editor
public@nytimes.com
Phone: 212-556-7652
FAIR, the national media watch group, has been offering well-documented criticism of media bias and censorship since 1986. We work to invigorate the First Amendment by advocating for greater diversity in the press and by scrutinizing media practices that marginalize public interest, minority and dissenting viewpoints.
"An unmistakable majority wants a party that will fight harder against the corporations and rich people they see as responsible for keeping them down," wrote the New Republic's editorial director.
Democratic voters overwhelmingly want a leader who will fight the superrich and corporate America, and they believe Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez is the person to do it, according to a poll released this week.
While Democrats are often portrayed as squabbling and directionless, the poll conducted last month by the New Republic with Embold Research demonstrated a remarkable unity among the more than 2,400 Democratic voters it surveyed.
This was true with respect to policy: More than 9 in 10 want to raise taxes on corporations and on the wealthiest Americans, while more than three-quarters want to break up tech monopolies and believe the government should conduct stronger oversight of business.
But it was also reflected in sentiments that a more confrontational governing philosophy should prevail and general agreement that the party in its current form is not doing enough to take on its enemies.
Three-quarters said they wanted Democrats to "be more aggressive in calling out Republicans," while nearly 7 in 10 said it was appropriate to describe their party as "weak."
This appears to have translated to support for a more muscular view of government. Where the label once helped to sink Sen. Bernie Sanders' (I-Vt.) two runs for president, nearly three-quarters of Democrats now say they are either unconcerned with the label of "socialist" or view it as an asset.
Meanwhile, 46% said they want to see a "progressive" at the top of the Democratic ticket in 2028, higher than the number who said they wanted a "liberal" or a "moderate."
It's an environment that appears to be fertile ground for Ocasio-Cortez, who pitched her vision for a "working-class-centered politics" at this week's Munich summit in what many suspected was a soft-launch of her presidential candidacy in 2028.
With 85% favorability, Bronx congresswoman had the highest approval rating of any Democratic figure in the country among the voters surveyed.
It's a higher mark than either of the figures who head-to-head polls have shown to be presumptive favorites for the nomination: Former Vice President Kamala Harris and California Gov. Gavin Newsom.
Early polls show AOC lagging considerably behind these top two. However, there are signs in the New Republic's poll that may give her supporters cause for hope.
While Harris is also well-liked, 66% of Democrats surveyed said they believe she's "had her shot" at the presidency and should not run again after losing to President Donald Trump in 2024.
Newsom does not have a similar electoral history holding him back and is riding high from the passage of Proposition 50, which will allow Democrats to add potentially five more US House seats this November.
But his policy approach may prove an ill fit at a time when Democrats overwhelmingly say their party is "too timid" about taxing the rich and corporations and taking on tech oligarchs.
As labor unions in California have pushed for a popular proposal to introduce a billionaire's tax, Newsom has made himself the chiseled face of the resistance to this idea, joining with right-wing Silicon Valley barons in an aggressive campaign to kill it.
While polls can tell us little two years out about what voters will do in 2028, New Republic editorial director Emily Cooke said her magazine's survey shows an unmistakable pattern.
"It’s impossible to come away from these results without concluding that economic populism is a winning message for loyal Democrats," she wrote. "This was true across those who identify as liberals, moderates, or progressives: An unmistakable majority wants a party that will fight harder against the corporations and rich people they see as responsible for keeping them down."
In some cases, the administration has kept immigrants locked up even after a judge has ordered their release, according to an investigation by Reuters.
Judges across the country have ruled more than 4,400 times since the start of October that US Immigration and Customs Enforcement has illegally detained immigrants, according to a Reuters investigation published Saturday.
As President Donald Trump carries out his unprecedented "mass deportation" crusade, the number of people in ICE custody ballooned to 68,000 this month, up 75% from when he took office.
Midway through 2025, the administration had begun pushing for a daily quota of 3,000 arrests per day, with the goal of reaching 1 million per year. This has led to the targeting of mostly people with no criminal records rather than the "worst of the worst," as the administration often claims.
Reuters' reporting suggests chasing this number has also resulted in a staggering number of arrests that judges have later found to be illegal.
Since the beginning of Trump's term, immigrants have filed more than 20,200 habeas corpus petitions, claiming they were held indefinitely without trial in violation of the Constitution.
In at least 4,421 cases, more than 400 federal judges have ruled that their detentions were illegal.
Last month, more than 6,000 habeas petitions were filed. Prior to the second Trump administration, no other month dating back to 2010 had seen even 500.

In part due to the sheer volume of legal challenges, the Trump administration has often failed to comply with court rulings, leaving people locked up even after judges ordered them to be released.
Reuters' new report is the most comprehensive examination to date of the administration's routine violation of the law with respect to immigration enforcement. But the extent to which federal immigration agencies have violated the law under Trump is hardly new information.
In a ruling last month, Chief Judge Patrick J. Schiltz of the US District Court in Minnesota—a conservative jurist appointed by former President George W. Bush—provided a list of nearly 100 court orders ICE had violated just that month while deployed as part of Trump's Operation Metro Surge.
The report of ICE's systemic violation of the law comes as the agency faces heightened scrutiny on Capitol Hill, with leaders of the agency called to testify and Democrats attempting to hold up funding in order to force reforms to ICE's conduct, which resulted in a partial shutdown beginning Saturday.
Following the release of Reuters' report, Rep. Ted Lieu (D-Calif.) directed a pointed question over social media to Kristi Noem, the secretary of the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees ICE.
"Why do your out-of-control agents keep violating federal law?" he said. "I look forward to seeing you testify under oath at the House Judiciary Committee in early March."
"Aggies do what is necessary for our rights, for our survival, and for our people,” said one student organizer at North Carolina A&T State University, the largest historically Black college in the nation.
As early voting began for the state primaries, North Carolina college students found themselves walking more than a mile to cast their ballots after the Republican-controlled State Board of Elections closed polling places on their campuses.
The board, which shifted to a 3-2 GOP majority, voted last month to close a polling site at Western Carolina University and to reject the creation of polling sites at two other colleges—the University of North Carolina at Greensboro (UNC Greensboro), and the North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University (NC A&T), the largest historically Black college in the nation. Each of these schools had polling places available on campus during the 2024 election.
The decision, which came just weeks before early voting was scheduled to begin, left many of the 40,000 students who attend these schools more than a mile away from the nearest polling place.
It was the latest of many efforts by North Carolina Republicans to restrict voting ahead of the 2026 midterms: They also cut polling place hours in dozens of counties and eliminated early voting on Sundays in some, which dealt a blow to "Souls to the Polls" efforts led by Black churches.
A lawsuit filed late last month by a group of students at the three schools said, “as a result, students who do not have access to private transportation must now walk that distance—which includes walking along a highway that lacks any pedestrian infrastructure—to exercise their right to vote.
The students argued that this violates their access to the ballot and to same-day registration, which is only available during the early voting period.
Last week, a federal judge rejected their demand to open the three polling centers. Jay Pavey, a Republican member of the Jackson County elections board, who voted to close the WCU polling site, dismissed fears that it would limit voting.
“If you really want to vote, you'll find a way to go one mile,” Pavey said.
Despite the hurdles, hundreds of students in the critical battleground state remained determined to cast a ballot as early voting opened.
On Friday, a video posted by the Smoky Mountain News showed dozens of students marching in a line from WCU "to their new polling place," at the Jackson County Recreation Center, "1.7 miles down a busy highway with no sidewalks."
The university and on-campus groups also organized shuttles to and from the polling place.
A similar scene was documented at NC A&T, where about 60 students marched to their nearest polling place at a courthouse more than 1.3 miles away.
The students described their march as a protest against the state's decision, which they viewed as an attempt to limit their power at the ballot box.
The campus is no stranger to standing up against injustice. February 1 marked the 66th anniversary of when four Black NC A&T students launched one of the most pivotal protests of the civil rights movement, sitting down at a segregated Woolworth's lunch counter in downtown Greensboro—an act that sparked a wave of nonviolent civil disobedience across the South.
"Aggies do what is necessary for our rights, for our survival, and for our people,” Jae'lah Monet, one of the student organizers of the march, told Spectrum News 1.
Monet said she and other students will do what is necessary to get students to the polls safely and to demonstrate to the state board the importance of having a polling place on campus. She said several similar events will take place throughout the early voting period.
"We will be there all day, and we will all get a chance to vote," Monet said.