

SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.


Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.

U.S. Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) listens as President Joe Biden delivers his first State of the Union address to a joint session of Congress at the Capitol on March 1, 2022 in Washington, D.C. (Photo: J. Scott Applewhite-Pool/Getty Images)
Senator Joe Manchin's International Nuclear Energy Act of 2022 is couched in a good deal of America first-style rhetoric, promising to deliver a new home-grown "whole-of-government strategy for nuclear cooperation and nuclear exports."
There are a number of dangers inherent in this plan.
In reality, it is another fatal step backwards, one that will squander precious time while diverting funds away from our most important and urgent existential threat: the climate crisis.
Not content with derailing the Biden administration's Build Back Better legislation to address climate, the Democrat from West Virginia and his co-sponsor, Republican Senator James Risch of Idaho, envision a grand scheme to build a veritable American nuclear empire, manufacturing and exporting everything from nuclear reactor technology and fuel, to financing services and radioactive waste management.
There are a number of dangers inherent in this plan. One of the program's export targets is "embarking civil nuclear energy nations," that is, countries that do not already have nuclear power programs. The encouragement of non-nuclear countries to develop nuclear power programs inevitably opens the door to a transition to nuclear weapons development.
This is made even more likely by the Act's intention to export not only Light-Water Reactor technology but also Non-Light Water Reactors (NLWR), all under the banner of "civil nuclear technologies." But NLWRs are not necessarily civil. Many require High-Assay Low-Enriched Uranium (HALEU), a fuel that can be enriched to as high as 20%, making it nuclear weapons usable. HALEU can also more easily be further enriched to weapons grade than traditional low-enriched uranium fuel.
So-called advanced new reactor designs now in the planning stages, can also both use and make plutonium, a clear proliferation risk.
The target countries for this American nuclear largesse are not necessarily restricted to known allies and partners, although these could already include countries like Saudi Arabia, for whom there is no logic to choose nuclear power development over solar or wind other than the link to nuclear weapons.
Indeed, the Act allows the Assistant and Deputy Assistant of the US Department of Energy to select "any other country" that either "determines to be appropriate," as recipients of American nuclear exports, something that could be deeply problematic depending on the US administration in power (witness President Trump's cosy coddling of Russian premier, Vladimir Putin and North Korea's Kim Jong-un).
The legislation also wants to accelerate (in other words, weaken) regulatory oversight to bring the plans more quickly to fruition. But, especially in regards to the new and untested "advanced" reactor designs, many with unresolved safety issues, fewer or weaker regulations are a significant risk.
Even the usually compliant U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission rejected the first round submission of Oklo's "Aurora" small modular reactor, saying: "Oklo has repeatedly failed to provide substantive information in response to NRC staff requests for additional information on the maximum credible accident for the Aurora design, the safety classification of structures, systems, and components, and other issues needed for the NRC staff to establish a schedule and complete its technical review."
The very obvious radiation risks posed by Russia's attack on Ukraine's Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant and its occupation of the Chernobyl nuclear site, coupled with the impetus to cut off energy imports from Russia, have prompted a bizarre and illogical policy response, not restricted to the United States: expand the domestic nuclear sector.
Mining and enriching uranium and manufacturing and exporting reactors and uranium fuel around the world will not make us safer. Furthermore, it pours much-needed funds into an industry that cannot compete with renewable energy, which can deliver larger carbon reductions faster and at far lower cost.
Senator Manchin has already sabotaged his own party's Build Back Better plan to address the climate crisis. Now he wants to delay and divert action on climate by building his own nuclear empire. It's a costly mistake that must be defeated.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Senator Joe Manchin's International Nuclear Energy Act of 2022 is couched in a good deal of America first-style rhetoric, promising to deliver a new home-grown "whole-of-government strategy for nuclear cooperation and nuclear exports."
There are a number of dangers inherent in this plan.
In reality, it is another fatal step backwards, one that will squander precious time while diverting funds away from our most important and urgent existential threat: the climate crisis.
Not content with derailing the Biden administration's Build Back Better legislation to address climate, the Democrat from West Virginia and his co-sponsor, Republican Senator James Risch of Idaho, envision a grand scheme to build a veritable American nuclear empire, manufacturing and exporting everything from nuclear reactor technology and fuel, to financing services and radioactive waste management.
There are a number of dangers inherent in this plan. One of the program's export targets is "embarking civil nuclear energy nations," that is, countries that do not already have nuclear power programs. The encouragement of non-nuclear countries to develop nuclear power programs inevitably opens the door to a transition to nuclear weapons development.
This is made even more likely by the Act's intention to export not only Light-Water Reactor technology but also Non-Light Water Reactors (NLWR), all under the banner of "civil nuclear technologies." But NLWRs are not necessarily civil. Many require High-Assay Low-Enriched Uranium (HALEU), a fuel that can be enriched to as high as 20%, making it nuclear weapons usable. HALEU can also more easily be further enriched to weapons grade than traditional low-enriched uranium fuel.
So-called advanced new reactor designs now in the planning stages, can also both use and make plutonium, a clear proliferation risk.
The target countries for this American nuclear largesse are not necessarily restricted to known allies and partners, although these could already include countries like Saudi Arabia, for whom there is no logic to choose nuclear power development over solar or wind other than the link to nuclear weapons.
Indeed, the Act allows the Assistant and Deputy Assistant of the US Department of Energy to select "any other country" that either "determines to be appropriate," as recipients of American nuclear exports, something that could be deeply problematic depending on the US administration in power (witness President Trump's cosy coddling of Russian premier, Vladimir Putin and North Korea's Kim Jong-un).
The legislation also wants to accelerate (in other words, weaken) regulatory oversight to bring the plans more quickly to fruition. But, especially in regards to the new and untested "advanced" reactor designs, many with unresolved safety issues, fewer or weaker regulations are a significant risk.
Even the usually compliant U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission rejected the first round submission of Oklo's "Aurora" small modular reactor, saying: "Oklo has repeatedly failed to provide substantive information in response to NRC staff requests for additional information on the maximum credible accident for the Aurora design, the safety classification of structures, systems, and components, and other issues needed for the NRC staff to establish a schedule and complete its technical review."
The very obvious radiation risks posed by Russia's attack on Ukraine's Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant and its occupation of the Chernobyl nuclear site, coupled with the impetus to cut off energy imports from Russia, have prompted a bizarre and illogical policy response, not restricted to the United States: expand the domestic nuclear sector.
Mining and enriching uranium and manufacturing and exporting reactors and uranium fuel around the world will not make us safer. Furthermore, it pours much-needed funds into an industry that cannot compete with renewable energy, which can deliver larger carbon reductions faster and at far lower cost.
Senator Manchin has already sabotaged his own party's Build Back Better plan to address the climate crisis. Now he wants to delay and divert action on climate by building his own nuclear empire. It's a costly mistake that must be defeated.
Senator Joe Manchin's International Nuclear Energy Act of 2022 is couched in a good deal of America first-style rhetoric, promising to deliver a new home-grown "whole-of-government strategy for nuclear cooperation and nuclear exports."
There are a number of dangers inherent in this plan.
In reality, it is another fatal step backwards, one that will squander precious time while diverting funds away from our most important and urgent existential threat: the climate crisis.
Not content with derailing the Biden administration's Build Back Better legislation to address climate, the Democrat from West Virginia and his co-sponsor, Republican Senator James Risch of Idaho, envision a grand scheme to build a veritable American nuclear empire, manufacturing and exporting everything from nuclear reactor technology and fuel, to financing services and radioactive waste management.
There are a number of dangers inherent in this plan. One of the program's export targets is "embarking civil nuclear energy nations," that is, countries that do not already have nuclear power programs. The encouragement of non-nuclear countries to develop nuclear power programs inevitably opens the door to a transition to nuclear weapons development.
This is made even more likely by the Act's intention to export not only Light-Water Reactor technology but also Non-Light Water Reactors (NLWR), all under the banner of "civil nuclear technologies." But NLWRs are not necessarily civil. Many require High-Assay Low-Enriched Uranium (HALEU), a fuel that can be enriched to as high as 20%, making it nuclear weapons usable. HALEU can also more easily be further enriched to weapons grade than traditional low-enriched uranium fuel.
So-called advanced new reactor designs now in the planning stages, can also both use and make plutonium, a clear proliferation risk.
The target countries for this American nuclear largesse are not necessarily restricted to known allies and partners, although these could already include countries like Saudi Arabia, for whom there is no logic to choose nuclear power development over solar or wind other than the link to nuclear weapons.
Indeed, the Act allows the Assistant and Deputy Assistant of the US Department of Energy to select "any other country" that either "determines to be appropriate," as recipients of American nuclear exports, something that could be deeply problematic depending on the US administration in power (witness President Trump's cosy coddling of Russian premier, Vladimir Putin and North Korea's Kim Jong-un).
The legislation also wants to accelerate (in other words, weaken) regulatory oversight to bring the plans more quickly to fruition. But, especially in regards to the new and untested "advanced" reactor designs, many with unresolved safety issues, fewer or weaker regulations are a significant risk.
Even the usually compliant U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission rejected the first round submission of Oklo's "Aurora" small modular reactor, saying: "Oklo has repeatedly failed to provide substantive information in response to NRC staff requests for additional information on the maximum credible accident for the Aurora design, the safety classification of structures, systems, and components, and other issues needed for the NRC staff to establish a schedule and complete its technical review."
The very obvious radiation risks posed by Russia's attack on Ukraine's Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant and its occupation of the Chernobyl nuclear site, coupled with the impetus to cut off energy imports from Russia, have prompted a bizarre and illogical policy response, not restricted to the United States: expand the domestic nuclear sector.
Mining and enriching uranium and manufacturing and exporting reactors and uranium fuel around the world will not make us safer. Furthermore, it pours much-needed funds into an industry that cannot compete with renewable energy, which can deliver larger carbon reductions faster and at far lower cost.
Senator Manchin has already sabotaged his own party's Build Back Better plan to address the climate crisis. Now he wants to delay and divert action on climate by building his own nuclear empire. It's a costly mistake that must be defeated.