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Since even before he took office, President Trump has called for a physical wall along the southern border of the United States. Many different organizations have argued this isn't a great idea. In response, some Congressional Democrats have suggested turning to surveillance technology to monitor the border instead of a physical barrier.
Without specific legislative proposals, it's hard to know what these suggestions actually mean. However, any bill Congress considers related to border security should avoid-at minimum-invasive surveillance technologies like biometric screening and collection, DNA collection, social media snooping, unregulated drones along the border, and automatic license plate readers aimed at interior traffic.
We have already seen several proposals authorizing the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and its sub-agencies to collect biometric information from all people who exit the U.S., including U.S. citizens. We oppose legislation that would entrench and expand DHS's existing program of facial recognition of all international travelers who take certain outgoing flights from U.S. airports. EFF is also opposed to TSA's proposals to collect and share biometric data of domestic travelers with the FBI, the State Department, and local governments. Given the sensitivity of biometric information, we're concerned about the threat that any collected data will be stolen or misused, as well as the potential for such programs to be expanded far beyond their original scope.
EFF has long opposed dragnet biometric surveillance of immigrants. Among other things, we oppose any proposal that would require DHS to collect DNA and other biometric information from "any individual filing an application, petition, or other request for immigration benefit or status." DNA surveillance raises special concerns, because DNA can expose sensitive information about familial history and personal health issues.
EFF opposes existing DHS and State Department programs of screeningthe socialmedia of foreign visitors. We would also oppose any legislation that would expand and entrench DHS reviewing the social media accounts of visa applicants from so-called "high risk countries." These programs threaten the digital privacy and free speech of innocent foreign travelers, and the many U.S. citizens who communicate with them. Also, it is all-too-likely that such programs will invite "extreme vetting" of visitors from Muslim nations.
Any proposal that would allow DHS and the Defense Department to deploy drones at the U.S. border raises significant privacy concerns. These drones will invariably capture the faces and license plates of the vast number of U.S. citizens and lawful permanent residents who live close to the border. Drones can take pictures and videos from all of the people on the ground within their range and sightlines--secretly, thoroughly, inexpensively, and at great distances. Millions of U.S. citizens and lawful permanent residents live close to the U.S. border, and these drones should not be allowed to take photos and videos of people on their own property.
ALPRs can collect massive amounts of sensitive location information about identifiable law-abiding people. Any new ALPR authority or funding should be limited, at most, to cars that actually cross the U.S. border. It should not also apply more broadly to cars at CBP's many interior checkpoints, some located as far as 100 miles from the border.
The federal government frequently treats the U.S. border as if it were a Constitution-free zone, and people who want to cross the border as if they were nefarious criminals. That is wrong. As we wrote in a letter to Sen. Cornyn back in September 2017:
"Any new statutory authority given to the government to ensure border security must be carefully balanced to ensure that it does not overreach and violate the privacy of the people it intends to protect."
Congress should make sure that any new border security bill protects the essential civil liberties of U.S. citizens and foreign visitors at and near the U.S. border.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Since even before he took office, President Trump has called for a physical wall along the southern border of the United States. Many different organizations have argued this isn't a great idea. In response, some Congressional Democrats have suggested turning to surveillance technology to monitor the border instead of a physical barrier.
Without specific legislative proposals, it's hard to know what these suggestions actually mean. However, any bill Congress considers related to border security should avoid-at minimum-invasive surveillance technologies like biometric screening and collection, DNA collection, social media snooping, unregulated drones along the border, and automatic license plate readers aimed at interior traffic.
We have already seen several proposals authorizing the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and its sub-agencies to collect biometric information from all people who exit the U.S., including U.S. citizens. We oppose legislation that would entrench and expand DHS's existing program of facial recognition of all international travelers who take certain outgoing flights from U.S. airports. EFF is also opposed to TSA's proposals to collect and share biometric data of domestic travelers with the FBI, the State Department, and local governments. Given the sensitivity of biometric information, we're concerned about the threat that any collected data will be stolen or misused, as well as the potential for such programs to be expanded far beyond their original scope.
EFF has long opposed dragnet biometric surveillance of immigrants. Among other things, we oppose any proposal that would require DHS to collect DNA and other biometric information from "any individual filing an application, petition, or other request for immigration benefit or status." DNA surveillance raises special concerns, because DNA can expose sensitive information about familial history and personal health issues.
EFF opposes existing DHS and State Department programs of screeningthe socialmedia of foreign visitors. We would also oppose any legislation that would expand and entrench DHS reviewing the social media accounts of visa applicants from so-called "high risk countries." These programs threaten the digital privacy and free speech of innocent foreign travelers, and the many U.S. citizens who communicate with them. Also, it is all-too-likely that such programs will invite "extreme vetting" of visitors from Muslim nations.
Any proposal that would allow DHS and the Defense Department to deploy drones at the U.S. border raises significant privacy concerns. These drones will invariably capture the faces and license plates of the vast number of U.S. citizens and lawful permanent residents who live close to the border. Drones can take pictures and videos from all of the people on the ground within their range and sightlines--secretly, thoroughly, inexpensively, and at great distances. Millions of U.S. citizens and lawful permanent residents live close to the U.S. border, and these drones should not be allowed to take photos and videos of people on their own property.
ALPRs can collect massive amounts of sensitive location information about identifiable law-abiding people. Any new ALPR authority or funding should be limited, at most, to cars that actually cross the U.S. border. It should not also apply more broadly to cars at CBP's many interior checkpoints, some located as far as 100 miles from the border.
The federal government frequently treats the U.S. border as if it were a Constitution-free zone, and people who want to cross the border as if they were nefarious criminals. That is wrong. As we wrote in a letter to Sen. Cornyn back in September 2017:
"Any new statutory authority given to the government to ensure border security must be carefully balanced to ensure that it does not overreach and violate the privacy of the people it intends to protect."
Congress should make sure that any new border security bill protects the essential civil liberties of U.S. citizens and foreign visitors at and near the U.S. border.
Since even before he took office, President Trump has called for a physical wall along the southern border of the United States. Many different organizations have argued this isn't a great idea. In response, some Congressional Democrats have suggested turning to surveillance technology to monitor the border instead of a physical barrier.
Without specific legislative proposals, it's hard to know what these suggestions actually mean. However, any bill Congress considers related to border security should avoid-at minimum-invasive surveillance technologies like biometric screening and collection, DNA collection, social media snooping, unregulated drones along the border, and automatic license plate readers aimed at interior traffic.
We have already seen several proposals authorizing the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and its sub-agencies to collect biometric information from all people who exit the U.S., including U.S. citizens. We oppose legislation that would entrench and expand DHS's existing program of facial recognition of all international travelers who take certain outgoing flights from U.S. airports. EFF is also opposed to TSA's proposals to collect and share biometric data of domestic travelers with the FBI, the State Department, and local governments. Given the sensitivity of biometric information, we're concerned about the threat that any collected data will be stolen or misused, as well as the potential for such programs to be expanded far beyond their original scope.
EFF has long opposed dragnet biometric surveillance of immigrants. Among other things, we oppose any proposal that would require DHS to collect DNA and other biometric information from "any individual filing an application, petition, or other request for immigration benefit or status." DNA surveillance raises special concerns, because DNA can expose sensitive information about familial history and personal health issues.
EFF opposes existing DHS and State Department programs of screeningthe socialmedia of foreign visitors. We would also oppose any legislation that would expand and entrench DHS reviewing the social media accounts of visa applicants from so-called "high risk countries." These programs threaten the digital privacy and free speech of innocent foreign travelers, and the many U.S. citizens who communicate with them. Also, it is all-too-likely that such programs will invite "extreme vetting" of visitors from Muslim nations.
Any proposal that would allow DHS and the Defense Department to deploy drones at the U.S. border raises significant privacy concerns. These drones will invariably capture the faces and license plates of the vast number of U.S. citizens and lawful permanent residents who live close to the border. Drones can take pictures and videos from all of the people on the ground within their range and sightlines--secretly, thoroughly, inexpensively, and at great distances. Millions of U.S. citizens and lawful permanent residents live close to the U.S. border, and these drones should not be allowed to take photos and videos of people on their own property.
ALPRs can collect massive amounts of sensitive location information about identifiable law-abiding people. Any new ALPR authority or funding should be limited, at most, to cars that actually cross the U.S. border. It should not also apply more broadly to cars at CBP's many interior checkpoints, some located as far as 100 miles from the border.
The federal government frequently treats the U.S. border as if it were a Constitution-free zone, and people who want to cross the border as if they were nefarious criminals. That is wrong. As we wrote in a letter to Sen. Cornyn back in September 2017:
"Any new statutory authority given to the government to ensure border security must be carefully balanced to ensure that it does not overreach and violate the privacy of the people it intends to protect."
Congress should make sure that any new border security bill protects the essential civil liberties of U.S. citizens and foreign visitors at and near the U.S. border.