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"Trump and his cronies aren't on the miners' side -- they're on the side of their bosses. And the U.S. government is willing to kill its own citizens to enrich these billionaires." (Photo: Shutterstock)
In August 1921, sheriff's deputies in West Virginia -- later joined by federal troops -- massacred striking mineworkers using machine guns and aerial bombardment, in what's now known as the Battle of Blair Mountain.
Nearly a century later, the government is again going to war in support of mine owners by deregulating coal-fired power plants. This time, the target of the war isn't striking workers -- it's the public.
Casualties in this war are projected to be steep. By the government's own estimate, up to 1,600 people a year are going to die from the additional soot and ozone pollution by 2030, thanks to its proposed rules.
They didn't mention that in the press release or any of the fact sheets accompanying the proposed new rule. Instead, those estimates are buried in technical tables (on pages 169 through 171 of a 289-page document). But they're there.
Consequences of ozone and soot pollution include asthma, and the disparities in who gets asthma -- and who dies from it -- are striking.
These deaths won't be equally distributed, either. Consequences of ozone and soot pollution include asthma, and the disparities in who gets asthma -- and who dies from it -- are striking.
More than 11 percent of people in poor households have asthma, compared to under 8 percent of all Americans. Almost three times as many black people die of asthma as white people. And children are particularly acutely affected.
This doesn't include the additional deaths from extreme heat or violent storms attributable to planet-warming emissions of carbon dioxide, which are projected to increase by up to 37 million tons a year compared to current regulations.
Yet the document proposing the deregulation mentions the phrase "climate change" only three times, and the press release and fact sheets don't mention it at all. The estimates of increased carbon dioxide emissions are also hidden in a table (on page 142 in a 236-page document).
Shocking as this sounds, the U.S. government is -- by its own admission -- willing to murder up to 1,600 Americans a year, and still more Americans in other ways it doesn't own up to. Since pollution crosses national borders, they will kill people outside the U.S. as well.
Why? The same reason as on Blair Mountain: to benefit the coal industry.
A combination of cheap natural gas, falling renewable prices, and state policies have battered the coal industry. Unable to compete, the industry has turned to the government for help.
Coal billionaires such as Robert Murray of Murray Energy and Joseph Craft of Alliance Resource Partners have bribed the president (or to sugarcoat reality, given him "campaign contributions"), handed memos with policy prescriptions to the president's minions, and schmoozed with them at basketball games.
Unsurprisingly, one of the policy prescriptions from Murray was to deregulate emissions from coal-fired power plants. Trump and his team have obliged.
The government claims its motive is to help coal miners. Trump evidently loves photo-ops with them, so he went to West Virginia to promote his coal deregulation plan.
The propaganda doesn't match with reality. While many in the audience were supportive, a sizable number weren't buying it. "Will coal ever be what it was? Hell, no," a maintenance worker named Charles Busby told E&E News. Busby's father has black lung.
Indeed, black lung cases among U.S. coal miners have been growing since 2000, even as the industry tries to reduce its responsibility to miners suffering from the debilitating illness. Even after all those photo-ops with miners, Trump hasn't gone to bat for them.
Trump and his cronies aren't on the miners' side -- they're on the side of their bosses. And the U.S. government is willing to kill its own citizens to enrich these billionaires.
This is class war. Unlike in 1921, it's not being waged with machine guns and aircraft, but it's just as deadly. Understanding this assault is key for us to organize and fight back.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
In August 1921, sheriff's deputies in West Virginia -- later joined by federal troops -- massacred striking mineworkers using machine guns and aerial bombardment, in what's now known as the Battle of Blair Mountain.
Nearly a century later, the government is again going to war in support of mine owners by deregulating coal-fired power plants. This time, the target of the war isn't striking workers -- it's the public.
Casualties in this war are projected to be steep. By the government's own estimate, up to 1,600 people a year are going to die from the additional soot and ozone pollution by 2030, thanks to its proposed rules.
They didn't mention that in the press release or any of the fact sheets accompanying the proposed new rule. Instead, those estimates are buried in technical tables (on pages 169 through 171 of a 289-page document). But they're there.
Consequences of ozone and soot pollution include asthma, and the disparities in who gets asthma -- and who dies from it -- are striking.
These deaths won't be equally distributed, either. Consequences of ozone and soot pollution include asthma, and the disparities in who gets asthma -- and who dies from it -- are striking.
More than 11 percent of people in poor households have asthma, compared to under 8 percent of all Americans. Almost three times as many black people die of asthma as white people. And children are particularly acutely affected.
This doesn't include the additional deaths from extreme heat or violent storms attributable to planet-warming emissions of carbon dioxide, which are projected to increase by up to 37 million tons a year compared to current regulations.
Yet the document proposing the deregulation mentions the phrase "climate change" only three times, and the press release and fact sheets don't mention it at all. The estimates of increased carbon dioxide emissions are also hidden in a table (on page 142 in a 236-page document).
Shocking as this sounds, the U.S. government is -- by its own admission -- willing to murder up to 1,600 Americans a year, and still more Americans in other ways it doesn't own up to. Since pollution crosses national borders, they will kill people outside the U.S. as well.
Why? The same reason as on Blair Mountain: to benefit the coal industry.
A combination of cheap natural gas, falling renewable prices, and state policies have battered the coal industry. Unable to compete, the industry has turned to the government for help.
Coal billionaires such as Robert Murray of Murray Energy and Joseph Craft of Alliance Resource Partners have bribed the president (or to sugarcoat reality, given him "campaign contributions"), handed memos with policy prescriptions to the president's minions, and schmoozed with them at basketball games.
Unsurprisingly, one of the policy prescriptions from Murray was to deregulate emissions from coal-fired power plants. Trump and his team have obliged.
The government claims its motive is to help coal miners. Trump evidently loves photo-ops with them, so he went to West Virginia to promote his coal deregulation plan.
The propaganda doesn't match with reality. While many in the audience were supportive, a sizable number weren't buying it. "Will coal ever be what it was? Hell, no," a maintenance worker named Charles Busby told E&E News. Busby's father has black lung.
Indeed, black lung cases among U.S. coal miners have been growing since 2000, even as the industry tries to reduce its responsibility to miners suffering from the debilitating illness. Even after all those photo-ops with miners, Trump hasn't gone to bat for them.
Trump and his cronies aren't on the miners' side -- they're on the side of their bosses. And the U.S. government is willing to kill its own citizens to enrich these billionaires.
This is class war. Unlike in 1921, it's not being waged with machine guns and aircraft, but it's just as deadly. Understanding this assault is key for us to organize and fight back.
In August 1921, sheriff's deputies in West Virginia -- later joined by federal troops -- massacred striking mineworkers using machine guns and aerial bombardment, in what's now known as the Battle of Blair Mountain.
Nearly a century later, the government is again going to war in support of mine owners by deregulating coal-fired power plants. This time, the target of the war isn't striking workers -- it's the public.
Casualties in this war are projected to be steep. By the government's own estimate, up to 1,600 people a year are going to die from the additional soot and ozone pollution by 2030, thanks to its proposed rules.
They didn't mention that in the press release or any of the fact sheets accompanying the proposed new rule. Instead, those estimates are buried in technical tables (on pages 169 through 171 of a 289-page document). But they're there.
Consequences of ozone and soot pollution include asthma, and the disparities in who gets asthma -- and who dies from it -- are striking.
These deaths won't be equally distributed, either. Consequences of ozone and soot pollution include asthma, and the disparities in who gets asthma -- and who dies from it -- are striking.
More than 11 percent of people in poor households have asthma, compared to under 8 percent of all Americans. Almost three times as many black people die of asthma as white people. And children are particularly acutely affected.
This doesn't include the additional deaths from extreme heat or violent storms attributable to planet-warming emissions of carbon dioxide, which are projected to increase by up to 37 million tons a year compared to current regulations.
Yet the document proposing the deregulation mentions the phrase "climate change" only three times, and the press release and fact sheets don't mention it at all. The estimates of increased carbon dioxide emissions are also hidden in a table (on page 142 in a 236-page document).
Shocking as this sounds, the U.S. government is -- by its own admission -- willing to murder up to 1,600 Americans a year, and still more Americans in other ways it doesn't own up to. Since pollution crosses national borders, they will kill people outside the U.S. as well.
Why? The same reason as on Blair Mountain: to benefit the coal industry.
A combination of cheap natural gas, falling renewable prices, and state policies have battered the coal industry. Unable to compete, the industry has turned to the government for help.
Coal billionaires such as Robert Murray of Murray Energy and Joseph Craft of Alliance Resource Partners have bribed the president (or to sugarcoat reality, given him "campaign contributions"), handed memos with policy prescriptions to the president's minions, and schmoozed with them at basketball games.
Unsurprisingly, one of the policy prescriptions from Murray was to deregulate emissions from coal-fired power plants. Trump and his team have obliged.
The government claims its motive is to help coal miners. Trump evidently loves photo-ops with them, so he went to West Virginia to promote his coal deregulation plan.
The propaganda doesn't match with reality. While many in the audience were supportive, a sizable number weren't buying it. "Will coal ever be what it was? Hell, no," a maintenance worker named Charles Busby told E&E News. Busby's father has black lung.
Indeed, black lung cases among U.S. coal miners have been growing since 2000, even as the industry tries to reduce its responsibility to miners suffering from the debilitating illness. Even after all those photo-ops with miners, Trump hasn't gone to bat for them.
Trump and his cronies aren't on the miners' side -- they're on the side of their bosses. And the U.S. government is willing to kill its own citizens to enrich these billionaires.
This is class war. Unlike in 1921, it's not being waged with machine guns and aircraft, but it's just as deadly. Understanding this assault is key for us to organize and fight back.