

SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.


Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
The media's tendency to focus on horserace issues--who's up and who's down, what the cosmetics are of an event rather than the substance--is routinely derided by media critics, and mocking it has become something of an election year tradition. But one 2016 topic in particular, terrorism, has become the hot horserace topic of the year in a way that goes beyond the silly to the potentially damaging:
The media's tendency to focus on horserace issues--who's up and who's down, what the cosmetics are of an event rather than the substance--is routinely derided by media critics, and mocking it has become something of an election year tradition. But one 2016 topic in particular, terrorism, has become the hot horserace topic of the year in a way that goes beyond the silly to the potentially damaging:
Something missing from these reports is any discussion of the relative danger of terrorism. The reporters begin with the premise that voters are afraid of it, never challenging the underlying rationality of those fears.
The reality is that terrorism remains, objectively, a very minor threat. (One is 82 times more likely to be killed falling out of bed than by a terrorist.) But by framing the issue as an urgent danger, with two candidates "dueling" over opposing ways of addressing this menace, the media further inflate terrorism's importance. Can one even imagine Trump and Clinton "jockeying" for position on climate change, or violence against women and LGBT communities, or lowering heart disease--all of which, statistically, are far, far more dangerous than terrorism?
This isn't a new problem, of course. In nine Democratic primary debates, for example, the moderators asked a total of 30 questions about terrorism or ISIS, and not one question about poverty (FAIR.org, 5/27/16). (A 2011 study by Columbia's school of public health estimated that 4.5 percent of all deaths in the United States are attributable to poverty.)
Polls show people are indeed increasingly worried about terrorism--and about "Islamic fundamentalism," with which it is often conflated in media discussions. (Republicans' fear of "Islamic fundamentalism" is now higher than immediately after 9/11.)
But such worries are fueled, at least in part, on the media's outsized coverage. Since 2006, according to the tabulations of USA Today, there have been 320 incidents of mass murder in the United States--incidents in which four or more people were killed, not including perpetrators. During that time, there have been five such attacks carried out by people apparently motivated by Islamicist ideology: the 2009 Fort Hood shooting, the 2013 Boston Marathon bombing, the 2015 Chattanooga shooting, the 2015 San Bernardino attack and the 2016 Orlando nightclub massacre. Two other mass murder incidents--the 2012 Wisconsin Sikh temple shooting and the 2015 Charleston church massacre--were carried out by right-wing extremists. These seven potentially terrorist attacks represent about 2 percent of the mass murder events in the United States over a little more than the last decade.
But media don't just cover terrorism, they engage in meta-terrorism--the terror that comes from the gratuitous or excessive coverage of stories that don't actually involve terrorism, but rather potential or staged terrorism, or ISIS propaganda repackaged as news. Note that in none of the following "terror" stories did any terrorism actually occur:
The list could go on and on--with stories involving the FBI foiling terrorist "plots" of their own making, "experts" coming up with hypothetical terror attacks, or the outright dissemination of ISIS propaganda. The constant drum beat of meta-terror acts as an accelerator, taking each spark of actual terrorism and turning it into an inferno of panic.
The failure of those pieces on Trump and Clinton's "jockeying" for position on the issue of ISIS terrorism to note that the perception of fear does not equal the actual threat-that we are still far more likely to be harmed by dozens of other threats than terrorism--is in line with horserace journalism's prioritization of optics over substance, a phenomenon that's that much more toxic when dealing with a subject whose optics are skewed by racism and irrationality.
To the extent that there is any dampening of fears, it comes from the Clinton camp, in the context of countering Trump's brand of outright xenophobia. The Overton window has narrowed to a choice between overwrought ISIS panic and overwrought ISIS panic that's overtly racist.
Reporting that reached beyond the two campaigns' anti-ISIS talking points, and horserace analysis of their attempts to "out-position" each other, would serve the public by putting our fears of terrorism in perspective.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
The media's tendency to focus on horserace issues--who's up and who's down, what the cosmetics are of an event rather than the substance--is routinely derided by media critics, and mocking it has become something of an election year tradition. But one 2016 topic in particular, terrorism, has become the hot horserace topic of the year in a way that goes beyond the silly to the potentially damaging:
Something missing from these reports is any discussion of the relative danger of terrorism. The reporters begin with the premise that voters are afraid of it, never challenging the underlying rationality of those fears.
The reality is that terrorism remains, objectively, a very minor threat. (One is 82 times more likely to be killed falling out of bed than by a terrorist.) But by framing the issue as an urgent danger, with two candidates "dueling" over opposing ways of addressing this menace, the media further inflate terrorism's importance. Can one even imagine Trump and Clinton "jockeying" for position on climate change, or violence against women and LGBT communities, or lowering heart disease--all of which, statistically, are far, far more dangerous than terrorism?
This isn't a new problem, of course. In nine Democratic primary debates, for example, the moderators asked a total of 30 questions about terrorism or ISIS, and not one question about poverty (FAIR.org, 5/27/16). (A 2011 study by Columbia's school of public health estimated that 4.5 percent of all deaths in the United States are attributable to poverty.)
Polls show people are indeed increasingly worried about terrorism--and about "Islamic fundamentalism," with which it is often conflated in media discussions. (Republicans' fear of "Islamic fundamentalism" is now higher than immediately after 9/11.)
But such worries are fueled, at least in part, on the media's outsized coverage. Since 2006, according to the tabulations of USA Today, there have been 320 incidents of mass murder in the United States--incidents in which four or more people were killed, not including perpetrators. During that time, there have been five such attacks carried out by people apparently motivated by Islamicist ideology: the 2009 Fort Hood shooting, the 2013 Boston Marathon bombing, the 2015 Chattanooga shooting, the 2015 San Bernardino attack and the 2016 Orlando nightclub massacre. Two other mass murder incidents--the 2012 Wisconsin Sikh temple shooting and the 2015 Charleston church massacre--were carried out by right-wing extremists. These seven potentially terrorist attacks represent about 2 percent of the mass murder events in the United States over a little more than the last decade.
But media don't just cover terrorism, they engage in meta-terrorism--the terror that comes from the gratuitous or excessive coverage of stories that don't actually involve terrorism, but rather potential or staged terrorism, or ISIS propaganda repackaged as news. Note that in none of the following "terror" stories did any terrorism actually occur:
The list could go on and on--with stories involving the FBI foiling terrorist "plots" of their own making, "experts" coming up with hypothetical terror attacks, or the outright dissemination of ISIS propaganda. The constant drum beat of meta-terror acts as an accelerator, taking each spark of actual terrorism and turning it into an inferno of panic.
The failure of those pieces on Trump and Clinton's "jockeying" for position on the issue of ISIS terrorism to note that the perception of fear does not equal the actual threat-that we are still far more likely to be harmed by dozens of other threats than terrorism--is in line with horserace journalism's prioritization of optics over substance, a phenomenon that's that much more toxic when dealing with a subject whose optics are skewed by racism and irrationality.
To the extent that there is any dampening of fears, it comes from the Clinton camp, in the context of countering Trump's brand of outright xenophobia. The Overton window has narrowed to a choice between overwrought ISIS panic and overwrought ISIS panic that's overtly racist.
Reporting that reached beyond the two campaigns' anti-ISIS talking points, and horserace analysis of their attempts to "out-position" each other, would serve the public by putting our fears of terrorism in perspective.
The media's tendency to focus on horserace issues--who's up and who's down, what the cosmetics are of an event rather than the substance--is routinely derided by media critics, and mocking it has become something of an election year tradition. But one 2016 topic in particular, terrorism, has become the hot horserace topic of the year in a way that goes beyond the silly to the potentially damaging:
Something missing from these reports is any discussion of the relative danger of terrorism. The reporters begin with the premise that voters are afraid of it, never challenging the underlying rationality of those fears.
The reality is that terrorism remains, objectively, a very minor threat. (One is 82 times more likely to be killed falling out of bed than by a terrorist.) But by framing the issue as an urgent danger, with two candidates "dueling" over opposing ways of addressing this menace, the media further inflate terrorism's importance. Can one even imagine Trump and Clinton "jockeying" for position on climate change, or violence against women and LGBT communities, or lowering heart disease--all of which, statistically, are far, far more dangerous than terrorism?
This isn't a new problem, of course. In nine Democratic primary debates, for example, the moderators asked a total of 30 questions about terrorism or ISIS, and not one question about poverty (FAIR.org, 5/27/16). (A 2011 study by Columbia's school of public health estimated that 4.5 percent of all deaths in the United States are attributable to poverty.)
Polls show people are indeed increasingly worried about terrorism--and about "Islamic fundamentalism," with which it is often conflated in media discussions. (Republicans' fear of "Islamic fundamentalism" is now higher than immediately after 9/11.)
But such worries are fueled, at least in part, on the media's outsized coverage. Since 2006, according to the tabulations of USA Today, there have been 320 incidents of mass murder in the United States--incidents in which four or more people were killed, not including perpetrators. During that time, there have been five such attacks carried out by people apparently motivated by Islamicist ideology: the 2009 Fort Hood shooting, the 2013 Boston Marathon bombing, the 2015 Chattanooga shooting, the 2015 San Bernardino attack and the 2016 Orlando nightclub massacre. Two other mass murder incidents--the 2012 Wisconsin Sikh temple shooting and the 2015 Charleston church massacre--were carried out by right-wing extremists. These seven potentially terrorist attacks represent about 2 percent of the mass murder events in the United States over a little more than the last decade.
But media don't just cover terrorism, they engage in meta-terrorism--the terror that comes from the gratuitous or excessive coverage of stories that don't actually involve terrorism, but rather potential or staged terrorism, or ISIS propaganda repackaged as news. Note that in none of the following "terror" stories did any terrorism actually occur:
The list could go on and on--with stories involving the FBI foiling terrorist "plots" of their own making, "experts" coming up with hypothetical terror attacks, or the outright dissemination of ISIS propaganda. The constant drum beat of meta-terror acts as an accelerator, taking each spark of actual terrorism and turning it into an inferno of panic.
The failure of those pieces on Trump and Clinton's "jockeying" for position on the issue of ISIS terrorism to note that the perception of fear does not equal the actual threat-that we are still far more likely to be harmed by dozens of other threats than terrorism--is in line with horserace journalism's prioritization of optics over substance, a phenomenon that's that much more toxic when dealing with a subject whose optics are skewed by racism and irrationality.
To the extent that there is any dampening of fears, it comes from the Clinton camp, in the context of countering Trump's brand of outright xenophobia. The Overton window has narrowed to a choice between overwrought ISIS panic and overwrought ISIS panic that's overtly racist.
Reporting that reached beyond the two campaigns' anti-ISIS talking points, and horserace analysis of their attempts to "out-position" each other, would serve the public by putting our fears of terrorism in perspective.