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'Much as the legacies and lives of Martin Luther King and Rosa Parks have been historically revised and sanitized,' explains Scahill, 'so too are the lives of Dorothy Day and Thomas Merton.' (Photo: Archive/via miriampawel.com)
I am not now nor have I ever been a journalist. I am however a practicing Catholic who has closely followed the recent visit of Pope Francis to the United States. I must say I was stunned when my wife called me at work to tell me that the pope had referenced Dorothy Day and Thomas Merton in his remarks to Congress. The response was swift and immediate. Within seconds, Google searches numbered in the thousands. Who are these people? It did not take long for the spin to begin.
We Americans love our Catholic saints. However we like the sanitized, whitewashed, acceptable versions. Thomas Merton was a "pious monk." Dorothy Day was a Catholic social worker who helped the poor. Neither of these characterizations capture who these two Catholics truly were and what they represented in U.S. society. Holding up these two radical, pacifist, militantly anti-war Catholics--one with a lengthy prison record who was nearly charged with sedition--as role models was a remarkable act by Pope Francis. But you wouldn't get that from reading many articles on his time in the U.S. While there is much attention and significance placed on the pope's meeting with Kim Davis, the clerk who refuses to grant marriage licenses to same sex couples, his praise of Dorothy Day and Thomas Merton--uttered in the halls of the Congress of the most powerful nation on earth--deserves greater analysis than a Google search or a short journey through Wikipedia.
"Those who knew Merton and Dorothy know that their true politics would never be embraced or lauded by the political establishment today, just as they were criminalized by the principalities and powers of their time."
I knew, lived, and worked with Dorothy Day. I first met her in the early sixties in a church basement on the south side of Chicago. No more than a dozen people were in attendance. She was not at that time a very popular figure. In fact, quite the opposite. Her writings were considered downright subversive. She had criticized and eulogized as unjust the execution of the Rosenbergs in 1953. She and other members of the Catholic Worker community were arrested for refusing to take shelter during the mandatory air raid drills in New York City in the fifties. The paper had condemned the bombing of Hiroshima. Her stand on Vietnam was one of the earliest opposition statements. Her writings profoundly affected the likes of Thomas Merton as well as Phillip and Daniel Berrigan.
I arrived at the Catholic Worker in New York City in the Summer of 1969. For a working class kid from Chicago's South Side it was a culture shock. Small things like buying "pizza by the slice" instead of the whole pizza fascinated me. Much more would follow. Dorothy always had a great affection and interest in the Cuban revolution. She herself had traveled to Cuba and wrote a great deal about it. It was only logical that when an opportunity presented itself to participate in an historic international event around Cuba that she and the Catholic Worker would be involved. The event was the Harvest of the Ten Million. It was to be a combined effort of all participating Socialist countries to come to Cuba in an act of solidarity and cut ten million tons of sugar cane. The hope was that this would jumpstart the Cuban economy. Students and young people from North Korea, North Vietnam, the Soviet Union would participate. A delegation from the United States consisting of anti-war activists, civil rights figures and various radical political organizations joined in under the banner of the Venceremos Brigade. An invitation was extended to the Catholic Worker to go and write a piece for the paper. I never for a moment thought I would be the one. To use a sports analogy, I was the eighth one in the batting order and played right field. At the Catholic Worker in that era were brilliant people who later in life would become serious Catholic journalists and even go on to the lecture circuit and some would publish anthologies of Dorothy Day. Why not send them? As circumstance had it, no one was available to go. I told Dorothy my misgivings. "You will do fine," she told me. "Just come back and write about what you saw and felt about it." Bear in mind this trip to Cuba was only a few years after the Bay of Pigs invasion. The island was still on high alert as another invasion was feared. Cubans felt they had a right to defend themselves. I reported this in the paper. I maintained that Cuba had a right to defend itself. The term used was the "armed struggle." My story, which detailed my time in the sugar cane fields with Cuban and Vietnamese revolutionaries, was titled "Up From Nonviolence." I wrote:
I did not intend the title to be witty or clever. It would, I hoped, connote a new understanding of certain issues on my part; as if for the first time I was seeing and feeling within my own guts what was taking place in the world. I mentioned earlier how prior to going to Cuba I worked with the Catholic Worker. I mentioned how my main concern was with the tradition and life of the Catholic Worker, that is, with nonviolence. Yet in Cuba I found some of basic premises for nonviolence to be shaken. A violent revolution seemed to produce a decent society...
What exists in these lands is not so much a revolution in the sense of a planned and calculated overthrow of a tyranny, as it is a classical case of self-defense against an oppression so sophisticated that its means range from corporations to napalm. So, to support the Vietnamese and the National Liberation Front is not so much to support a people striving to bring on a new society; no, it is a far deeper issue, of saying they have a right to be men, a right to the most venerable and ancient of all aspirations-the right of a man to live as he wants.
My observations and assertions, based on my time in Cuba, were contrary to the basic foundations of pacifism, yet Dorothy Day published it on the front page of the paper. The reaction to this article in a Catholic, pacifist publication was swift and harsh. How could such things be printed in its pages? Subscriptions were cancelled (at a penny a copy, not too big a hit!). In the next issue of the paper, Dorothy defended the publication of the article in her "On Pilgrimage" column. "It is good for us to be confronted," she wrote, "and recognize that we do not deserve, have not earned the title pacifist or Christian." She added: "We need to learn from others, and from the struggles going on in India, Africa, China, Russia and Cuba."
That was the end of my brief and controversial entry to the journalism world. I left the Catholic Worker, but as I would discover over the years it never left me. Events like the papal visit bring back memories of it.
I corresponded with Dorothy later about the article. I told her I was sorry for any harm done to the Catholic Worker. She wrote back and told me I was always welcome.
As my memories of Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker come back to me, it is to young journalists I turn my attention. I would be surprised if writings from Dorothy Day, The Catholic Worker, and Thomas Merton make it into journalism programs. They should. I would encourage all of you to get a copy of "A Penny A Copy: Readings From the Catholic Worker" (Orbis Books). Read also essays by contemporaries and colleagues of Dorothy. William Worthy, once called the "best unknown journalist in America," was an African American journalist from Baltimore who had his passport taken away by the U.S. government because of his travels to communist China and Cuba. Read David Dellinger, a famous "activist" journalist and another contributor to the Catholic Worker. And read Thomas Merton, of course. During the height of the Vietnam War, of which Merton was an early opponent, he wrote:
The real focus of American violence is not in esoteric groups but in the very culture itself, its mass media, its extreme individualism and competitiveness, its inflated myths of virility and toughness, and its overwhelming preoccupation with the power of nuclear, chemical, bacteriological, and psychological overkill. If we live in what is essentially a culture of overkill, how can we be surprised at finding violence in it? Can we get to the root of the trouble? In my opinion, the best way to do it would have been the classic way of religious humanism and non-violence exemplified by Gandhi. That way seems now to have been closed. I do not find the future reassuring.
Much as the legacies and lives of Martin Luther King and Rosa Parks have been historically revised and sanitized, so too are the lives of Dorothy Day and Thomas Merton. With no sense of irony, George W. Bush once quoted Dorothy Day in a speech at Notre Dame. Characterizing her as a pious servant of the poor, Bush said: "This is my message today: there is no great society which is not a caring society. And any effective war on poverty must deploy what Dorothy Day called 'the weapons of spirit.'" Was Mr. Bush aware that Dorothy Day had an abortion as a young woman or that she had been to jail many times for resisting war? Did he know that J. Edgar Hoover considered charging her with sedition?
Those who knew Merton and Dorothy know that their true politics would never be embraced or lauded by the political establishment today, just as they were criminalized by the principalities and powers of their time. If she was alive today, Dorothy would likely be in jail for resisting the U.S. war machine, while Merton would be denounced as a radical who was soft on terror. For a better understanding of who these people really were and why the pope's mention of them as examples of great American Catholics, read their own works. Better yet visit the Catholic Worker on the lower East Side of New York. Read past issues of the paper there. While there you can even help with the meals or sort clothes. The kitchen where Dorothy often sat and spoke to many people over decades is still virtually the same. As they say, the work goes on.
Toward the end of her life it was becoming clear that Dorothy would be a serious candidate for canonization and perhaps become a saint of the Catholic Church. This annoyed her no end. She said, "Don't call me a saint. Don't dismiss me that easily."
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I am not now nor have I ever been a journalist. I am however a practicing Catholic who has closely followed the recent visit of Pope Francis to the United States. I must say I was stunned when my wife called me at work to tell me that the pope had referenced Dorothy Day and Thomas Merton in his remarks to Congress. The response was swift and immediate. Within seconds, Google searches numbered in the thousands. Who are these people? It did not take long for the spin to begin.
We Americans love our Catholic saints. However we like the sanitized, whitewashed, acceptable versions. Thomas Merton was a "pious monk." Dorothy Day was a Catholic social worker who helped the poor. Neither of these characterizations capture who these two Catholics truly were and what they represented in U.S. society. Holding up these two radical, pacifist, militantly anti-war Catholics--one with a lengthy prison record who was nearly charged with sedition--as role models was a remarkable act by Pope Francis. But you wouldn't get that from reading many articles on his time in the U.S. While there is much attention and significance placed on the pope's meeting with Kim Davis, the clerk who refuses to grant marriage licenses to same sex couples, his praise of Dorothy Day and Thomas Merton--uttered in the halls of the Congress of the most powerful nation on earth--deserves greater analysis than a Google search or a short journey through Wikipedia.
"Those who knew Merton and Dorothy know that their true politics would never be embraced or lauded by the political establishment today, just as they were criminalized by the principalities and powers of their time."
I knew, lived, and worked with Dorothy Day. I first met her in the early sixties in a church basement on the south side of Chicago. No more than a dozen people were in attendance. She was not at that time a very popular figure. In fact, quite the opposite. Her writings were considered downright subversive. She had criticized and eulogized as unjust the execution of the Rosenbergs in 1953. She and other members of the Catholic Worker community were arrested for refusing to take shelter during the mandatory air raid drills in New York City in the fifties. The paper had condemned the bombing of Hiroshima. Her stand on Vietnam was one of the earliest opposition statements. Her writings profoundly affected the likes of Thomas Merton as well as Phillip and Daniel Berrigan.
I arrived at the Catholic Worker in New York City in the Summer of 1969. For a working class kid from Chicago's South Side it was a culture shock. Small things like buying "pizza by the slice" instead of the whole pizza fascinated me. Much more would follow. Dorothy always had a great affection and interest in the Cuban revolution. She herself had traveled to Cuba and wrote a great deal about it. It was only logical that when an opportunity presented itself to participate in an historic international event around Cuba that she and the Catholic Worker would be involved. The event was the Harvest of the Ten Million. It was to be a combined effort of all participating Socialist countries to come to Cuba in an act of solidarity and cut ten million tons of sugar cane. The hope was that this would jumpstart the Cuban economy. Students and young people from North Korea, North Vietnam, the Soviet Union would participate. A delegation from the United States consisting of anti-war activists, civil rights figures and various radical political organizations joined in under the banner of the Venceremos Brigade. An invitation was extended to the Catholic Worker to go and write a piece for the paper. I never for a moment thought I would be the one. To use a sports analogy, I was the eighth one in the batting order and played right field. At the Catholic Worker in that era were brilliant people who later in life would become serious Catholic journalists and even go on to the lecture circuit and some would publish anthologies of Dorothy Day. Why not send them? As circumstance had it, no one was available to go. I told Dorothy my misgivings. "You will do fine," she told me. "Just come back and write about what you saw and felt about it." Bear in mind this trip to Cuba was only a few years after the Bay of Pigs invasion. The island was still on high alert as another invasion was feared. Cubans felt they had a right to defend themselves. I reported this in the paper. I maintained that Cuba had a right to defend itself. The term used was the "armed struggle." My story, which detailed my time in the sugar cane fields with Cuban and Vietnamese revolutionaries, was titled "Up From Nonviolence." I wrote:
I did not intend the title to be witty or clever. It would, I hoped, connote a new understanding of certain issues on my part; as if for the first time I was seeing and feeling within my own guts what was taking place in the world. I mentioned earlier how prior to going to Cuba I worked with the Catholic Worker. I mentioned how my main concern was with the tradition and life of the Catholic Worker, that is, with nonviolence. Yet in Cuba I found some of basic premises for nonviolence to be shaken. A violent revolution seemed to produce a decent society...
What exists in these lands is not so much a revolution in the sense of a planned and calculated overthrow of a tyranny, as it is a classical case of self-defense against an oppression so sophisticated that its means range from corporations to napalm. So, to support the Vietnamese and the National Liberation Front is not so much to support a people striving to bring on a new society; no, it is a far deeper issue, of saying they have a right to be men, a right to the most venerable and ancient of all aspirations-the right of a man to live as he wants.
My observations and assertions, based on my time in Cuba, were contrary to the basic foundations of pacifism, yet Dorothy Day published it on the front page of the paper. The reaction to this article in a Catholic, pacifist publication was swift and harsh. How could such things be printed in its pages? Subscriptions were cancelled (at a penny a copy, not too big a hit!). In the next issue of the paper, Dorothy defended the publication of the article in her "On Pilgrimage" column. "It is good for us to be confronted," she wrote, "and recognize that we do not deserve, have not earned the title pacifist or Christian." She added: "We need to learn from others, and from the struggles going on in India, Africa, China, Russia and Cuba."
That was the end of my brief and controversial entry to the journalism world. I left the Catholic Worker, but as I would discover over the years it never left me. Events like the papal visit bring back memories of it.
I corresponded with Dorothy later about the article. I told her I was sorry for any harm done to the Catholic Worker. She wrote back and told me I was always welcome.
As my memories of Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker come back to me, it is to young journalists I turn my attention. I would be surprised if writings from Dorothy Day, The Catholic Worker, and Thomas Merton make it into journalism programs. They should. I would encourage all of you to get a copy of "A Penny A Copy: Readings From the Catholic Worker" (Orbis Books). Read also essays by contemporaries and colleagues of Dorothy. William Worthy, once called the "best unknown journalist in America," was an African American journalist from Baltimore who had his passport taken away by the U.S. government because of his travels to communist China and Cuba. Read David Dellinger, a famous "activist" journalist and another contributor to the Catholic Worker. And read Thomas Merton, of course. During the height of the Vietnam War, of which Merton was an early opponent, he wrote:
The real focus of American violence is not in esoteric groups but in the very culture itself, its mass media, its extreme individualism and competitiveness, its inflated myths of virility and toughness, and its overwhelming preoccupation with the power of nuclear, chemical, bacteriological, and psychological overkill. If we live in what is essentially a culture of overkill, how can we be surprised at finding violence in it? Can we get to the root of the trouble? In my opinion, the best way to do it would have been the classic way of religious humanism and non-violence exemplified by Gandhi. That way seems now to have been closed. I do not find the future reassuring.
Much as the legacies and lives of Martin Luther King and Rosa Parks have been historically revised and sanitized, so too are the lives of Dorothy Day and Thomas Merton. With no sense of irony, George W. Bush once quoted Dorothy Day in a speech at Notre Dame. Characterizing her as a pious servant of the poor, Bush said: "This is my message today: there is no great society which is not a caring society. And any effective war on poverty must deploy what Dorothy Day called 'the weapons of spirit.'" Was Mr. Bush aware that Dorothy Day had an abortion as a young woman or that she had been to jail many times for resisting war? Did he know that J. Edgar Hoover considered charging her with sedition?
Those who knew Merton and Dorothy know that their true politics would never be embraced or lauded by the political establishment today, just as they were criminalized by the principalities and powers of their time. If she was alive today, Dorothy would likely be in jail for resisting the U.S. war machine, while Merton would be denounced as a radical who was soft on terror. For a better understanding of who these people really were and why the pope's mention of them as examples of great American Catholics, read their own works. Better yet visit the Catholic Worker on the lower East Side of New York. Read past issues of the paper there. While there you can even help with the meals or sort clothes. The kitchen where Dorothy often sat and spoke to many people over decades is still virtually the same. As they say, the work goes on.
Toward the end of her life it was becoming clear that Dorothy would be a serious candidate for canonization and perhaps become a saint of the Catholic Church. This annoyed her no end. She said, "Don't call me a saint. Don't dismiss me that easily."
I am not now nor have I ever been a journalist. I am however a practicing Catholic who has closely followed the recent visit of Pope Francis to the United States. I must say I was stunned when my wife called me at work to tell me that the pope had referenced Dorothy Day and Thomas Merton in his remarks to Congress. The response was swift and immediate. Within seconds, Google searches numbered in the thousands. Who are these people? It did not take long for the spin to begin.
We Americans love our Catholic saints. However we like the sanitized, whitewashed, acceptable versions. Thomas Merton was a "pious monk." Dorothy Day was a Catholic social worker who helped the poor. Neither of these characterizations capture who these two Catholics truly were and what they represented in U.S. society. Holding up these two radical, pacifist, militantly anti-war Catholics--one with a lengthy prison record who was nearly charged with sedition--as role models was a remarkable act by Pope Francis. But you wouldn't get that from reading many articles on his time in the U.S. While there is much attention and significance placed on the pope's meeting with Kim Davis, the clerk who refuses to grant marriage licenses to same sex couples, his praise of Dorothy Day and Thomas Merton--uttered in the halls of the Congress of the most powerful nation on earth--deserves greater analysis than a Google search or a short journey through Wikipedia.
"Those who knew Merton and Dorothy know that their true politics would never be embraced or lauded by the political establishment today, just as they were criminalized by the principalities and powers of their time."
I knew, lived, and worked with Dorothy Day. I first met her in the early sixties in a church basement on the south side of Chicago. No more than a dozen people were in attendance. She was not at that time a very popular figure. In fact, quite the opposite. Her writings were considered downright subversive. She had criticized and eulogized as unjust the execution of the Rosenbergs in 1953. She and other members of the Catholic Worker community were arrested for refusing to take shelter during the mandatory air raid drills in New York City in the fifties. The paper had condemned the bombing of Hiroshima. Her stand on Vietnam was one of the earliest opposition statements. Her writings profoundly affected the likes of Thomas Merton as well as Phillip and Daniel Berrigan.
I arrived at the Catholic Worker in New York City in the Summer of 1969. For a working class kid from Chicago's South Side it was a culture shock. Small things like buying "pizza by the slice" instead of the whole pizza fascinated me. Much more would follow. Dorothy always had a great affection and interest in the Cuban revolution. She herself had traveled to Cuba and wrote a great deal about it. It was only logical that when an opportunity presented itself to participate in an historic international event around Cuba that she and the Catholic Worker would be involved. The event was the Harvest of the Ten Million. It was to be a combined effort of all participating Socialist countries to come to Cuba in an act of solidarity and cut ten million tons of sugar cane. The hope was that this would jumpstart the Cuban economy. Students and young people from North Korea, North Vietnam, the Soviet Union would participate. A delegation from the United States consisting of anti-war activists, civil rights figures and various radical political organizations joined in under the banner of the Venceremos Brigade. An invitation was extended to the Catholic Worker to go and write a piece for the paper. I never for a moment thought I would be the one. To use a sports analogy, I was the eighth one in the batting order and played right field. At the Catholic Worker in that era were brilliant people who later in life would become serious Catholic journalists and even go on to the lecture circuit and some would publish anthologies of Dorothy Day. Why not send them? As circumstance had it, no one was available to go. I told Dorothy my misgivings. "You will do fine," she told me. "Just come back and write about what you saw and felt about it." Bear in mind this trip to Cuba was only a few years after the Bay of Pigs invasion. The island was still on high alert as another invasion was feared. Cubans felt they had a right to defend themselves. I reported this in the paper. I maintained that Cuba had a right to defend itself. The term used was the "armed struggle." My story, which detailed my time in the sugar cane fields with Cuban and Vietnamese revolutionaries, was titled "Up From Nonviolence." I wrote:
I did not intend the title to be witty or clever. It would, I hoped, connote a new understanding of certain issues on my part; as if for the first time I was seeing and feeling within my own guts what was taking place in the world. I mentioned earlier how prior to going to Cuba I worked with the Catholic Worker. I mentioned how my main concern was with the tradition and life of the Catholic Worker, that is, with nonviolence. Yet in Cuba I found some of basic premises for nonviolence to be shaken. A violent revolution seemed to produce a decent society...
What exists in these lands is not so much a revolution in the sense of a planned and calculated overthrow of a tyranny, as it is a classical case of self-defense against an oppression so sophisticated that its means range from corporations to napalm. So, to support the Vietnamese and the National Liberation Front is not so much to support a people striving to bring on a new society; no, it is a far deeper issue, of saying they have a right to be men, a right to the most venerable and ancient of all aspirations-the right of a man to live as he wants.
My observations and assertions, based on my time in Cuba, were contrary to the basic foundations of pacifism, yet Dorothy Day published it on the front page of the paper. The reaction to this article in a Catholic, pacifist publication was swift and harsh. How could such things be printed in its pages? Subscriptions were cancelled (at a penny a copy, not too big a hit!). In the next issue of the paper, Dorothy defended the publication of the article in her "On Pilgrimage" column. "It is good for us to be confronted," she wrote, "and recognize that we do not deserve, have not earned the title pacifist or Christian." She added: "We need to learn from others, and from the struggles going on in India, Africa, China, Russia and Cuba."
That was the end of my brief and controversial entry to the journalism world. I left the Catholic Worker, but as I would discover over the years it never left me. Events like the papal visit bring back memories of it.
I corresponded with Dorothy later about the article. I told her I was sorry for any harm done to the Catholic Worker. She wrote back and told me I was always welcome.
As my memories of Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker come back to me, it is to young journalists I turn my attention. I would be surprised if writings from Dorothy Day, The Catholic Worker, and Thomas Merton make it into journalism programs. They should. I would encourage all of you to get a copy of "A Penny A Copy: Readings From the Catholic Worker" (Orbis Books). Read also essays by contemporaries and colleagues of Dorothy. William Worthy, once called the "best unknown journalist in America," was an African American journalist from Baltimore who had his passport taken away by the U.S. government because of his travels to communist China and Cuba. Read David Dellinger, a famous "activist" journalist and another contributor to the Catholic Worker. And read Thomas Merton, of course. During the height of the Vietnam War, of which Merton was an early opponent, he wrote:
The real focus of American violence is not in esoteric groups but in the very culture itself, its mass media, its extreme individualism and competitiveness, its inflated myths of virility and toughness, and its overwhelming preoccupation with the power of nuclear, chemical, bacteriological, and psychological overkill. If we live in what is essentially a culture of overkill, how can we be surprised at finding violence in it? Can we get to the root of the trouble? In my opinion, the best way to do it would have been the classic way of religious humanism and non-violence exemplified by Gandhi. That way seems now to have been closed. I do not find the future reassuring.
Much as the legacies and lives of Martin Luther King and Rosa Parks have been historically revised and sanitized, so too are the lives of Dorothy Day and Thomas Merton. With no sense of irony, George W. Bush once quoted Dorothy Day in a speech at Notre Dame. Characterizing her as a pious servant of the poor, Bush said: "This is my message today: there is no great society which is not a caring society. And any effective war on poverty must deploy what Dorothy Day called 'the weapons of spirit.'" Was Mr. Bush aware that Dorothy Day had an abortion as a young woman or that she had been to jail many times for resisting war? Did he know that J. Edgar Hoover considered charging her with sedition?
Those who knew Merton and Dorothy know that their true politics would never be embraced or lauded by the political establishment today, just as they were criminalized by the principalities and powers of their time. If she was alive today, Dorothy would likely be in jail for resisting the U.S. war machine, while Merton would be denounced as a radical who was soft on terror. For a better understanding of who these people really were and why the pope's mention of them as examples of great American Catholics, read their own works. Better yet visit the Catholic Worker on the lower East Side of New York. Read past issues of the paper there. While there you can even help with the meals or sort clothes. The kitchen where Dorothy often sat and spoke to many people over decades is still virtually the same. As they say, the work goes on.
Toward the end of her life it was becoming clear that Dorothy would be a serious candidate for canonization and perhaps become a saint of the Catholic Church. This annoyed her no end. She said, "Don't call me a saint. Don't dismiss me that easily."
A senior official at the global rights group implored members of the international community to "uphold their moral and legal obligations to bring an end to Israel's ongoing genocide."
Amnesty International on Monday published new testimonies of Palestinians suffering from Israel's "systemic and intentional" campaign of starvation in the Gaza Strip, where hundreds of people—including more than 100 children—have died of malnutrition over 682 days of US-backed genocide.
Israel "is carrying out a deliberate campaign of starvation in the occupied Gaza Strip, systematically destroying the health, well-being, and social fabric of Palestinian life," Amnesty said in an introduction to the testimonies of starved and forcibly displaced civilians in the embattled enclave.
Amnesty said that the victims' accounts underscore the group's "repeated findings that the deadly combination of hunger and disease is not an unfortunate byproduct of Israel's military operations."
"It is the intended outcome of plans and policies that Israel has designed and implemented, over the past 22 months, to deliberately inflict on Palestinians in Gaza conditions of life calculated to bring about their physical destruction—which is part and parcel of Israel's ongoing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza," the group added. The statement used language found in the treaty under which the International Court of Justice is currently determining whether Israel is committing the crime of genocide.
Among the 19 Palestinians interviewed by Amnesty are Hadeel, a 28-year-old pregnant mother of two, who said, "I fear miscarriage, but I also think about my baby: I panic just thinking about the potential impact of my own hunger on the baby's health, its weight, whether it will have [birth defects], and even if the baby is born healthy, what life awaits it, amidst displacement, bombs, tents."
Aziza, age 75, told Amnesty: "I feel like I have become a burden on my family. When we were displaced, they had to push me on a wheelchair. With toilet queues extremely long in the camp where we stay, I need adult diapers, which are extremely expensive. I need medication for diabetes, blood pressure, and a heart condition, and have had to take medicine which has expired."
Nahed, who is 66 yearsc old, said that "people I knew were almost unrecognizable" due to the effects of famine, and that "the experience of hunger and war has changed Gaza completely."
Adding that the desperate scramble for food "has denied people their humanity," Nahed described what she saw at an aid distribution site. Thousands of Palestinians have been killed or wounded while seeking aid, including more than 850 people slain at or near sites run by the US-based Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. Israel Defense Forces (IDF) whistleblowers have said they were ordered to fire live bullets and artillery shells into crowds of desperate aid-seekers, even when they posed no security threat.
"I had to go there because I have nobody to look after me," Nahed explained. "I saw with my own eyes people carrying bags of flour stained with the blood of those who had just been shot."
One emergency doctor at al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City—which has endured multiple IDF attacks, including the alleged execution of children in and around the facility—told Amnesty that many patients would be leading "reasonable lives" were it not for the "combination of starvation, destruction, and depletion of the healthcare system, unsanitary conditions, and multiple displacements under inhumane conditions."
Referring to Israel's imminent US-backed reoccupation of Gaza and plan to ethnically cleanse 1 million Palestinians from in and around Gaza City, Erika Guevara Rosas—Amnesty's senior director of research, advocacy, policy, and campaigns—said Monday that "as Israeli authorities threaten to launch a full-scale ground invasion of Gaza City, the testimonies we have collected are far more than accounts of suffering, they are a searing indictment of an international system that has granted Israel a license to torment Palestinians with near-total impunity for decades."
Such impunity was implicit in a recording broadcast on an Israeli news channel Sunday in which former IDF Gen. Aharon Haliva said that for every Israeli killed during the Hamas-led attack of October 7, 2023, "50 Palestinians must die," and "it doesn't matter" if "they are children."
Guevara Rosas continued:
To even begin reversing the devastating consequences of Israel's inhumane policies and actions, which have made mass starvation a grim reality in Gaza, there must be an immediate, unconditional lifting of the blockade and a sustained ceasefire. The impact of Israel's blockade and its ongoing genocide on civilians, particularly on children, people with disabilities, those with chronic illnesses, older people, and pregnant and breastfeeding women is catastrophic and cannot be undone by simply increasing the number of aid trucks or restoring performative, ineffective, and dangerous airdrops of aid.
"In the face of the horrors Israel is inflicting on the Palestinian population in Gaza, the international community, particularly Israel's allies... must uphold their moral and legal obligations to bring an end to Israel's ongoing genocide," Guevara Rosas added. "States must urgently suspend all arms transfers, adopt targeted sanctions, and terminate any engagement with Israeli entities when this contributes to Israel's genocide against Palestinians in Gaza."
The new Amnesty report came as the Gaza Health Ministry said the Palestinian death toll from Israel's 22-month annihilation and siege of the strip topped 62,000—mostly women and children—although experts say the actual toll is likely far higher. The ministry also said Monday that at least 263 people, including 112 children, have starved to death since October 2023.
Israeli leaders including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—who is wanted by the International Criminal Court for alleged crimes against humanity and war crimes including murder and forced starvation—deny Gazans are starving. However, even as staunch a supporter as US Vice President JD Vance has acknowledged that "little kids... are clearly starving to death" in Gaza.
"This goes far beyond 'wrong side of history,'" said journalist Ryan Grim.
The US State Department announced Saturday that it would halt the issuing of visas to children from Gaza in urgent need of medical care.
The decision came after a frenzied campaign by the racist online provocateur and close Trump confidante Laura Loomer, who raged over the weekend about the arrival of badly injured Palestinian children in Houston and San Francisco earlier this month.
The arrival of these children had been arranged by the US nonprofit group HEAL Palestine, which has helped at least 63 children "receive lifesaving surgeries, prosthetics, and rehabilitative care in the US."
In what she claimed was an "exclusive" report, Loomer—who has described herself as a "Proud Islamophobe," and as "pro-white nationalism"—shared a video posted by HEAL Palestine of children on crutches and wheelchairs arriving with their families at a US airport.
She falsely claimed that the children's shouts of joy were "jihadi chants" and that they were "doing the HAMAS terror whistle" and referred to the children as "Islamic invaders from an Islamic terror hot zone."
Loomer tagged Secretary of State Marco Rubio and the State Department in another post: "How did Palestinians get Visas under the Trump administration to get into the United States? Did @StateDept approve this? How did they get out of Gaza? Is @SecRubio aware of this?"
The day after Loomer's tirade began, the State Department announced that "all visitor visas for individuals from Gaza are being stopped while we conduct a full and thorough review of the process and procedures used to issue a small number of temporary medical-humanitarian visas in recent days."
HEAL Palestine issued a statement Sunday saying it was "distressed" by the State Department's decision. Contrary to claims by Loomer that the children would become "like leeches on welfare," HEAL clarified that the children in the country were here "on temporary visas for essential medical treatment not available at home."
"After their treatment is complete," the organization said, "the children and any accompanying family members return to the Middle East."
Rhana Natour, the director and producer of All That Remains—a documentary for Al Jazeera's Fault Lines on a 13-year-old Palestinian girl who traveled to the US to receive treatment after losing her leg in an Israeli airstrike—told Drop Site News that the humanitarian visas canceled by the State Department are granted "exclusively to burned and disabled children and their parents."
(Video: Al Jazeera English)
Loomer took credit for the department's cancellation of the visas, thanking Rubio and calling it "fantastic news."
"Hopefully, all GAZANS will be added to President Trump's travel ban," Loomer wrote. "There are doctors in other countries. The US is not the world's hospital!"
In response, the X account for Drop Site, which has frequently highlighted the work of HEAL Palestine, responded to Loomer, saying that "Your taxes aren't funding the care for these Palestinian children," and that their treatment was being funded entirely through private support from donors.
"The only role of US tax dollars in the picture," Drop Site said, "is the costly review the State Department will now be forced to conduct because of a deranged racist's ravings to block children from lifesaving treatment."
Loomer later suggested that the wounded Palestinian children were being treated "for free," at the expense of US taxpayers, while "US Veterans are homeless on the street, unable to get healthcare."
Journalist Ryan Grim, Drop Site's co-founder, responded: "Trump slashed Medicaid, slashed the [Department of Veterans Affairs], slashed [Affordable Care Act] exchange subsidies, and increased the military budget to over a trillion dollars but Loomer wants people to think that the reason they don't have healthcare is that a Palestinian child got treated thanks to donations from people heartbroken at what Israel is doing to children."
"The trillion dollars being spent to blow the arms and legs off of children is the problem," Grim continued. "Not the children themselves."
In July, the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) reported that since October 2023, at least 17,000 children have been killed and 33,000 injured across Gaza, many of them attacked by Israeli forces "as they [lined] up for lifesaving humanitarian aid."
The UN reported Friday that "10 children were losing one or both legs every day," making Gaza "home to the largest group of child amputees in modern history."
Despite having no formal position, Loomer is one of the most influential figures in the Trump administration—reportedly having spearheaded the hiring and firing of aides for key roles, including in the National Security Council.
Loomer has said that the US is a "Judeo-Christian ethnostate" being "destroyed" by immigration, and—following the opening of Trump's immigrant detention camp "Alligator Alcatraz"—joked that the "alligators are guaranteed at least 65 million meals," a number referring to the total population of Latinos in the United States.
Following news of the State Department's decision to cancel visas for injured Palestinians, Grim wrote that it "looks like [Loomer] is also setting visa policy."
"So we want to arm Israel to the teeth, allow them to block food and medical aid from getting into Gaza, and also condemn those facing medical emergencies to death," he said. "This goes far beyond 'wrong side of history.'"
Aharon Haliva, the former head of military intelligence in Israel, said in his vengeful remarks that it "doesn't matter now if they are children."
Those who listened to the 22-minute speech given by a South African attorney as part of the country's genocide case against Israel at the United Nations' top court in January 2024 have long been well aware that Israeli officials have openly made genocidal statements about their military assault on Gaza—but a recording broadcast by an Israeli news channel on Sunday revealed what The Guardian called an "unusually direct description of collective punishment of civilians" by a high-level general.
Aharon Haliva, the general who led Israel's military intelligence operations on October 7, 2023 when Hamas led an attack on the country, was heard in a recording broadcast by Channel 12 that "for everything that happened on October 7, for every person on October 7, 50 Palestinians must die."
"The fact that there are already 50,000 dead in Gaza is necessary and required for future generations," said Haliva in comments that were made "in recent months," according to Channel 12. "It doesn't matter now if they are children."
More than 62,000 Palestinians have now been killed in Israel's airstrikes and ground assault on Gaza since October 7, according to the Health Ministry in Gaza, with more than 250 people having died of malnutrition due to Israel's near-total blockade on humanitarian aid. The official death toll figures put out by officials in Gaza is believed by many to be a severe undercount.
The Israel Defense Forces' own data recently showed that only about 20,000 militants are among those who have been killed by Israeli forces—even as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and both Republican and Democratic leaders in the United States, the top international funder of the IDF, continue to insist that the military is targeting Hamas.
Haliva, who stepped down from leading military intelligence in April 2024, added in his comments that Palestinians "need a Nakba every now and then to feel the price"—a reference to the forced displacement of more than 700,000 Palestinians from their homes, the killing of about 15,000 people, and the destruction of more than 500 Palestinian towns when the state of Israel was created in 1948.
Notably, The Guardian reported that Haliva is "widely seen as a centrist critic of the current government and its far-right ministers such as Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir," whose genocidal statements about Gaza and the West Bank have been widely reported.
When arguing South Africa's genocide case at the International Court of Justice in January 2024, attorney Tembeka Ngcukaitobi catalogued a number of statements made by Netanyahu, the IDF, and his top Israeli ministers, including:
The Israeli human rights group B'Tselem, which said last month that it had determined Netanyahu's government is committing genocide in Gaza, said Haliva's remarks "are part of a long line of official statements that expose a deliberate policy of genocide."
"For 22 months, Israel has pursued a policy of systematically destroying Palestinian life in Gaza," said B'Tselem. "This is genocide. It is happening now. It must be stopped."
The Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor added that Haliva openly admitted "what Israel tries to deny: genocide is not a byproduct of war but the goal."
Haliva's remark about the necessity of repeating the Nakba in Gaza "reveals a clear intention: The bloodshed is not meant to stop, but to be repeated."
Nihad Awad, national executive director of the Council on American-Islamic Relations, said Haliva's statement "is not just evidence of genocidal rhetoric, it is a blueprint for genocidal action" that must push the US government to end its support for Israel.
"The Trump administration and the international community can no longer turn a blind eye," said Awad. "President [Donald] Trump and Congress cannot continue to claim they do not know or deny what the entire world is seeing every hour of every day. The United States must immediately halt all military aid and support to Israel and demand accountability for war crimes committed in Gaza. Silence is complicity."