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It took German Chancellor Angela Merkel two long years to visit President Obama. She eventually arrived at the White House this June. After considerable pomp and ceremony, the two leaders sat down at the Oval Office for two hours to discuss the most pressing world affairs. After the meeting, their press secretaries surprised people by saying the leaders of the West's two most powerful nations had spent one hour and forty-five minutes on Greece (with the remaining fifteen minutes spent debating intervention in Libya).
Only once before has Greece managed such prominence in the minds of the Western elites. The month was December 1944; the occasion was the eruption of the Greek Civil War; and its significance was that it constituted the beginning of the Cold War, the Truman Doctrine, and all that flowed from it. Could the Greek debt crisis be for the post-2008 world what the Greek Civil War was to the postwar era? Perhaps. But if so, the reason will not be Greece's debt -- indeed it will not be anyone's debt.
Before examining the true origins of the crisis, it would be helpful to examine a more recent official visitation. On September 18, 2011, US Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner dropped in on European finance ministers' regular gathering to share some thoughts on how the bewildering euro crisis could be ended. Quite astonishingly, Geithner's sensible advice was rejected unceremoniously -- the Treasury Secretary received the diplomatic equivalent of his marching orders.
The Austrian finance minister, Maria Fikter, presumably summing up the predominant feeling among Europe's powers, declared her puzzlement that "even though the Americans have significantly worse fundamental data than the Eurozone... they tell us what we should do and when we make a suggestion... they say no straight away."
This statement reveals the deep ignorance in which European leaders are veiled. When they refer, for instance, to "fundamental data" comparatively worse in the United States, they are referring to the Eurozone's lower debt-to-GDP ratio. They believe that Europe's problem is a debt crisis which, courtesy of being less severe than the United States's, is unlikely to be cured by the remedies purveyed by a visiting US secretary.
Tragically, the euro crisis is as much of a debt crisis as the pain caused by a malignant tumor is a pain crisis. It is my contention that Europe's unraveling catastrophe is due to its leaders' grand failure to grasp the essence of the crisis they are trying, unsuccessfully, to face down. And as if this were not troubling enough, theirs is a keenly motivated grand failure.
Read the full article at Jacobin.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
It took German Chancellor Angela Merkel two long years to visit President Obama. She eventually arrived at the White House this June. After considerable pomp and ceremony, the two leaders sat down at the Oval Office for two hours to discuss the most pressing world affairs. After the meeting, their press secretaries surprised people by saying the leaders of the West's two most powerful nations had spent one hour and forty-five minutes on Greece (with the remaining fifteen minutes spent debating intervention in Libya).
Only once before has Greece managed such prominence in the minds of the Western elites. The month was December 1944; the occasion was the eruption of the Greek Civil War; and its significance was that it constituted the beginning of the Cold War, the Truman Doctrine, and all that flowed from it. Could the Greek debt crisis be for the post-2008 world what the Greek Civil War was to the postwar era? Perhaps. But if so, the reason will not be Greece's debt -- indeed it will not be anyone's debt.
Before examining the true origins of the crisis, it would be helpful to examine a more recent official visitation. On September 18, 2011, US Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner dropped in on European finance ministers' regular gathering to share some thoughts on how the bewildering euro crisis could be ended. Quite astonishingly, Geithner's sensible advice was rejected unceremoniously -- the Treasury Secretary received the diplomatic equivalent of his marching orders.
The Austrian finance minister, Maria Fikter, presumably summing up the predominant feeling among Europe's powers, declared her puzzlement that "even though the Americans have significantly worse fundamental data than the Eurozone... they tell us what we should do and when we make a suggestion... they say no straight away."
This statement reveals the deep ignorance in which European leaders are veiled. When they refer, for instance, to "fundamental data" comparatively worse in the United States, they are referring to the Eurozone's lower debt-to-GDP ratio. They believe that Europe's problem is a debt crisis which, courtesy of being less severe than the United States's, is unlikely to be cured by the remedies purveyed by a visiting US secretary.
Tragically, the euro crisis is as much of a debt crisis as the pain caused by a malignant tumor is a pain crisis. It is my contention that Europe's unraveling catastrophe is due to its leaders' grand failure to grasp the essence of the crisis they are trying, unsuccessfully, to face down. And as if this were not troubling enough, theirs is a keenly motivated grand failure.
Read the full article at Jacobin.
It took German Chancellor Angela Merkel two long years to visit President Obama. She eventually arrived at the White House this June. After considerable pomp and ceremony, the two leaders sat down at the Oval Office for two hours to discuss the most pressing world affairs. After the meeting, their press secretaries surprised people by saying the leaders of the West's two most powerful nations had spent one hour and forty-five minutes on Greece (with the remaining fifteen minutes spent debating intervention in Libya).
Only once before has Greece managed such prominence in the minds of the Western elites. The month was December 1944; the occasion was the eruption of the Greek Civil War; and its significance was that it constituted the beginning of the Cold War, the Truman Doctrine, and all that flowed from it. Could the Greek debt crisis be for the post-2008 world what the Greek Civil War was to the postwar era? Perhaps. But if so, the reason will not be Greece's debt -- indeed it will not be anyone's debt.
Before examining the true origins of the crisis, it would be helpful to examine a more recent official visitation. On September 18, 2011, US Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner dropped in on European finance ministers' regular gathering to share some thoughts on how the bewildering euro crisis could be ended. Quite astonishingly, Geithner's sensible advice was rejected unceremoniously -- the Treasury Secretary received the diplomatic equivalent of his marching orders.
The Austrian finance minister, Maria Fikter, presumably summing up the predominant feeling among Europe's powers, declared her puzzlement that "even though the Americans have significantly worse fundamental data than the Eurozone... they tell us what we should do and when we make a suggestion... they say no straight away."
This statement reveals the deep ignorance in which European leaders are veiled. When they refer, for instance, to "fundamental data" comparatively worse in the United States, they are referring to the Eurozone's lower debt-to-GDP ratio. They believe that Europe's problem is a debt crisis which, courtesy of being less severe than the United States's, is unlikely to be cured by the remedies purveyed by a visiting US secretary.
Tragically, the euro crisis is as much of a debt crisis as the pain caused by a malignant tumor is a pain crisis. It is my contention that Europe's unraveling catastrophe is due to its leaders' grand failure to grasp the essence of the crisis they are trying, unsuccessfully, to face down. And as if this were not troubling enough, theirs is a keenly motivated grand failure.
Read the full article at Jacobin.