

SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.


Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
If you believe the hype about living in the "Pacific Century," then the new millennium is bound to be a pretty rowdy one.
If you believe the hype about living in the "Pacific Century," then the new millennium is bound to be a pretty rowdy one.
A few days ago about 1,000 workers in the heart of China's manufacturing belt walked off the job at the Taiwan-owned Jingmo Electronics Corporation, saying they were tired of being cheated by overtime pay. Around the same time in the Guangdong boomtown known as Dongguan, thousands of shoe factory workers protested over overtime pay and marched with their grievances to a local government office.

According to the watchdog organization China Labour Bulletin, the state has worked with the companies to squelch protests, and even management staff is feeling the pain:
Photographs posted online showed large numbers of police on the street and bloodied workers who claimed to have been beaten by the police. Several other workers had reportedly been detained.
The strike at the Yue Cheng factory in Huang Jiang township was triggered by the dismissal of 18 managers in late October. The company claimed they had been dismissed because of the factory's decreasing orders and sluggish business. But one of the managers told China Business News that the real reason behind their dismissal was that the factory planned to shift production to Jiangxi in a bid to combat rising costs in the Pearl River Delta.
"We've been loyal workers for over a decade in this factory. But now the factory decided to fire us on the sole excuse of bad business operations and cost pressures. How can they be so irresponsible?" one dismissed manager wrote on his internet post.
2010's summer of unrest saw workers' aspirations catching up to their demands for workplace justice, and both bosses and local governments seemed willing to placate workers with pay raises and minimum-wage hikes. But the promise of continued growth and rising standards of living may be finally petering out.
CLB editor Geoffrey Crothall told ITT:
Last year the economy was booming and employers clearly could afford to give workers substantial pay raises. That is no longer the case and many businesses are struggling. There is less profit to go around and workers demands now seem more tailored to trying to hang on to what meager benefits they did win in last few years rather than push for substantial pay increases. But even these modest demands are meeting resistance from employers and often workers will only begrudgingly agree to go back to work on the promise to fully resolve grievances at a later date.
Now that's running up against sagging demand and factory relocations to cheaper and cheaper areas, either within China or to even poorer Asian countries. This means that the growing energy among organized workers lacks the momentum to brake the downward spiral. But according to Li Qiang of the advocacy group China Labor Watch, the power of collective consciousness still counts:
the difficult global economy undoubtedly impacts China's exporting market, decreasing the jobs and lowering the salary. These are some of the reasons why we see a rash of workers' unrest in China. But we think more importantly, the strike signals the workers' arising awareness of their rights and conception of empowering themselves. Tracing back to 10 years ago, the word "right" never came to the workers' minds, not even mentioning fighting for it. In retrospect, we can see that they are more organized and prepared now than ever before. The collectivity also helps the workers to get their voice heard.
That's inspiring to hear, but if China's capitalist "miracle" is beginning its implosion (just as it has in America), sooner or later, bosses will calculate that it's simply more profitable to ship off to Bangaldesh and other countries with a less regulated, more impoverished "business climate."
There is, however, the potential for workers across Asia to do what their corporate counterparts have accomplished so skillfully--consolidating to the point that they wield power across borders. Campaigns that take a global approach to fair-wage standards and regulations, or champion a broad "social protection floor," are just starting to ripen, as are cross-border organizing campaigns in North America.
For now, those embryonic efforts won't reach the workers struggling in Shenzhen today. But if "rights" is becoming a new part of their vocabulary, then a redefinition of "power" and "democracy" shouldn't be too far off.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
If you believe the hype about living in the "Pacific Century," then the new millennium is bound to be a pretty rowdy one.
A few days ago about 1,000 workers in the heart of China's manufacturing belt walked off the job at the Taiwan-owned Jingmo Electronics Corporation, saying they were tired of being cheated by overtime pay. Around the same time in the Guangdong boomtown known as Dongguan, thousands of shoe factory workers protested over overtime pay and marched with their grievances to a local government office.

According to the watchdog organization China Labour Bulletin, the state has worked with the companies to squelch protests, and even management staff is feeling the pain:
Photographs posted online showed large numbers of police on the street and bloodied workers who claimed to have been beaten by the police. Several other workers had reportedly been detained.
The strike at the Yue Cheng factory in Huang Jiang township was triggered by the dismissal of 18 managers in late October. The company claimed they had been dismissed because of the factory's decreasing orders and sluggish business. But one of the managers told China Business News that the real reason behind their dismissal was that the factory planned to shift production to Jiangxi in a bid to combat rising costs in the Pearl River Delta.
"We've been loyal workers for over a decade in this factory. But now the factory decided to fire us on the sole excuse of bad business operations and cost pressures. How can they be so irresponsible?" one dismissed manager wrote on his internet post.
2010's summer of unrest saw workers' aspirations catching up to their demands for workplace justice, and both bosses and local governments seemed willing to placate workers with pay raises and minimum-wage hikes. But the promise of continued growth and rising standards of living may be finally petering out.
CLB editor Geoffrey Crothall told ITT:
Last year the economy was booming and employers clearly could afford to give workers substantial pay raises. That is no longer the case and many businesses are struggling. There is less profit to go around and workers demands now seem more tailored to trying to hang on to what meager benefits they did win in last few years rather than push for substantial pay increases. But even these modest demands are meeting resistance from employers and often workers will only begrudgingly agree to go back to work on the promise to fully resolve grievances at a later date.
Now that's running up against sagging demand and factory relocations to cheaper and cheaper areas, either within China or to even poorer Asian countries. This means that the growing energy among organized workers lacks the momentum to brake the downward spiral. But according to Li Qiang of the advocacy group China Labor Watch, the power of collective consciousness still counts:
the difficult global economy undoubtedly impacts China's exporting market, decreasing the jobs and lowering the salary. These are some of the reasons why we see a rash of workers' unrest in China. But we think more importantly, the strike signals the workers' arising awareness of their rights and conception of empowering themselves. Tracing back to 10 years ago, the word "right" never came to the workers' minds, not even mentioning fighting for it. In retrospect, we can see that they are more organized and prepared now than ever before. The collectivity also helps the workers to get their voice heard.
That's inspiring to hear, but if China's capitalist "miracle" is beginning its implosion (just as it has in America), sooner or later, bosses will calculate that it's simply more profitable to ship off to Bangaldesh and other countries with a less regulated, more impoverished "business climate."
There is, however, the potential for workers across Asia to do what their corporate counterparts have accomplished so skillfully--consolidating to the point that they wield power across borders. Campaigns that take a global approach to fair-wage standards and regulations, or champion a broad "social protection floor," are just starting to ripen, as are cross-border organizing campaigns in North America.
For now, those embryonic efforts won't reach the workers struggling in Shenzhen today. But if "rights" is becoming a new part of their vocabulary, then a redefinition of "power" and "democracy" shouldn't be too far off.
If you believe the hype about living in the "Pacific Century," then the new millennium is bound to be a pretty rowdy one.
A few days ago about 1,000 workers in the heart of China's manufacturing belt walked off the job at the Taiwan-owned Jingmo Electronics Corporation, saying they were tired of being cheated by overtime pay. Around the same time in the Guangdong boomtown known as Dongguan, thousands of shoe factory workers protested over overtime pay and marched with their grievances to a local government office.

According to the watchdog organization China Labour Bulletin, the state has worked with the companies to squelch protests, and even management staff is feeling the pain:
Photographs posted online showed large numbers of police on the street and bloodied workers who claimed to have been beaten by the police. Several other workers had reportedly been detained.
The strike at the Yue Cheng factory in Huang Jiang township was triggered by the dismissal of 18 managers in late October. The company claimed they had been dismissed because of the factory's decreasing orders and sluggish business. But one of the managers told China Business News that the real reason behind their dismissal was that the factory planned to shift production to Jiangxi in a bid to combat rising costs in the Pearl River Delta.
"We've been loyal workers for over a decade in this factory. But now the factory decided to fire us on the sole excuse of bad business operations and cost pressures. How can they be so irresponsible?" one dismissed manager wrote on his internet post.
2010's summer of unrest saw workers' aspirations catching up to their demands for workplace justice, and both bosses and local governments seemed willing to placate workers with pay raises and minimum-wage hikes. But the promise of continued growth and rising standards of living may be finally petering out.
CLB editor Geoffrey Crothall told ITT:
Last year the economy was booming and employers clearly could afford to give workers substantial pay raises. That is no longer the case and many businesses are struggling. There is less profit to go around and workers demands now seem more tailored to trying to hang on to what meager benefits they did win in last few years rather than push for substantial pay increases. But even these modest demands are meeting resistance from employers and often workers will only begrudgingly agree to go back to work on the promise to fully resolve grievances at a later date.
Now that's running up against sagging demand and factory relocations to cheaper and cheaper areas, either within China or to even poorer Asian countries. This means that the growing energy among organized workers lacks the momentum to brake the downward spiral. But according to Li Qiang of the advocacy group China Labor Watch, the power of collective consciousness still counts:
the difficult global economy undoubtedly impacts China's exporting market, decreasing the jobs and lowering the salary. These are some of the reasons why we see a rash of workers' unrest in China. But we think more importantly, the strike signals the workers' arising awareness of their rights and conception of empowering themselves. Tracing back to 10 years ago, the word "right" never came to the workers' minds, not even mentioning fighting for it. In retrospect, we can see that they are more organized and prepared now than ever before. The collectivity also helps the workers to get their voice heard.
That's inspiring to hear, but if China's capitalist "miracle" is beginning its implosion (just as it has in America), sooner or later, bosses will calculate that it's simply more profitable to ship off to Bangaldesh and other countries with a less regulated, more impoverished "business climate."
There is, however, the potential for workers across Asia to do what their corporate counterparts have accomplished so skillfully--consolidating to the point that they wield power across borders. Campaigns that take a global approach to fair-wage standards and regulations, or champion a broad "social protection floor," are just starting to ripen, as are cross-border organizing campaigns in North America.
For now, those embryonic efforts won't reach the workers struggling in Shenzhen today. But if "rights" is becoming a new part of their vocabulary, then a redefinition of "power" and "democracy" shouldn't be too far off.