

SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.


Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
The nuclear industry has promised the world cheap, safe, and clean energy for over 60 years.
As the Japanese government continues to extend its nuclear evacuation zone around the Daiichi nuclear complex in Fukushima, the pushers of nuclear power--including President Barack Obama--still demand that Congress approve ever-larger subsidies for new reactors.
Wishful thinking about energy generation has apparently induced both temporary blindness and long-term amnesia about the history of nuclear "mishaps."
In 2009, the government subsidized the nuclear industry with $18.5 billion in loan guarantees, which failed to anticipate the total costs of "the next generation of plants." The Nuclear Energy Institute--the industry's lobbying group--now wants $20 billion more in loan guarantees to get the so-called "nuclear renaissance" underway.
Before ramping up funding for the nuclear gang, lawmakers should look beyond the current catastrophe and into some of the numerous U.S. nuclear accident reports.
In 1999, The Washington Post reported that "thousands of workers were unwittingly exposed to plutonium and other highly radioactive metals" at the Paducah Gaseous Diffusion plant in western Kentucky. The uranium workers "inhaled radioactive dust while processing the materials as part of a government experiment to recycle used nuclear reactor fuel"--a failed experiment that lasted 23 years.
In July 2000, wildfires near the Hanford facility in Washington spread to highly radioactive waste disposal trenches, raising the fear of airborne plutonium radiation levels in Seattle.
Compare those "little accidents" with the Chernobyl catastrophe--Fukushima has now reached that level--or the folks who got cancer from the Three Mile Island "mishap." What steps were taken to prevent further incidents following the numerous "little" leaks, fires, and "mishaps" that occurred routinely at the Rocky Flats and Hanford nuclear installations?
In 1981, PBS aired a documentary we made, Paul Jacobs and the Nuclear Gang. In it, we documented how government officials obfuscated their failure to provide the "cheap, safe, and clean" energy they promised.
Jacobs reported on how the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) and its successor three-letter agencies lied about, distorted, and even classified official reports on the health impacts of low-level radiation.
In the film, we interviewed Sergeant James Gates, who was present at early nuclear weapons test sites. He described how men positioned near the government's test site in Nevada covered their eyes during a blinding nuclear explosion. Gates said: "the blast threw me 15 feet into the air. It made all of us sick." In 1978, he had terminal cancer.
Jacobs interviewed "downwinders" who described how hot hailstones pelted them after atomic tests in Nevada. In the 1950s and again in the early 1970s, he inspected the government's claims. In his award-winning articles featuring interviews with "downwinders" in St. George, Utah, a city in the path of the tests' fallout, Jacobs found inordinate numbers of cancer cases and a nuclear-nervous public.
He described how he surreptitiously acquired a classified document from a public health office in Las Vegas revealing how the Atomic Energy Commission knew "low-level radiation" constituted serious health hazards. Later, he found declassified internal memos indicating why the government classified the health report: to keep the public from having to choose between nuclear tests and not getting cancer.
In 1977, Jacobs' doctor and his friend Linus Pauling (a Nobel Prize winner in chemistry) concluded that Paul, a non-smoker, developed lung cancer during his exposure to "low-level radiation" around the Atomic Test Site.
After 60-some years, the words "cheap, safe, and clean" sound more like an ad for an electric toothbrush than a believable promise from the nuclear gang.
The authors won an Emmy in 1981 for their documentary Paul Jacobs and the Nuclear Gang.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
The nuclear industry has promised the world cheap, safe, and clean energy for over 60 years.
As the Japanese government continues to extend its nuclear evacuation zone around the Daiichi nuclear complex in Fukushima, the pushers of nuclear power--including President Barack Obama--still demand that Congress approve ever-larger subsidies for new reactors.
Wishful thinking about energy generation has apparently induced both temporary blindness and long-term amnesia about the history of nuclear "mishaps."
In 2009, the government subsidized the nuclear industry with $18.5 billion in loan guarantees, which failed to anticipate the total costs of "the next generation of plants." The Nuclear Energy Institute--the industry's lobbying group--now wants $20 billion more in loan guarantees to get the so-called "nuclear renaissance" underway.
Before ramping up funding for the nuclear gang, lawmakers should look beyond the current catastrophe and into some of the numerous U.S. nuclear accident reports.
In 1999, The Washington Post reported that "thousands of workers were unwittingly exposed to plutonium and other highly radioactive metals" at the Paducah Gaseous Diffusion plant in western Kentucky. The uranium workers "inhaled radioactive dust while processing the materials as part of a government experiment to recycle used nuclear reactor fuel"--a failed experiment that lasted 23 years.
In July 2000, wildfires near the Hanford facility in Washington spread to highly radioactive waste disposal trenches, raising the fear of airborne plutonium radiation levels in Seattle.
Compare those "little accidents" with the Chernobyl catastrophe--Fukushima has now reached that level--or the folks who got cancer from the Three Mile Island "mishap." What steps were taken to prevent further incidents following the numerous "little" leaks, fires, and "mishaps" that occurred routinely at the Rocky Flats and Hanford nuclear installations?
In 1981, PBS aired a documentary we made, Paul Jacobs and the Nuclear Gang. In it, we documented how government officials obfuscated their failure to provide the "cheap, safe, and clean" energy they promised.
Jacobs reported on how the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) and its successor three-letter agencies lied about, distorted, and even classified official reports on the health impacts of low-level radiation.
In the film, we interviewed Sergeant James Gates, who was present at early nuclear weapons test sites. He described how men positioned near the government's test site in Nevada covered their eyes during a blinding nuclear explosion. Gates said: "the blast threw me 15 feet into the air. It made all of us sick." In 1978, he had terminal cancer.
Jacobs interviewed "downwinders" who described how hot hailstones pelted them after atomic tests in Nevada. In the 1950s and again in the early 1970s, he inspected the government's claims. In his award-winning articles featuring interviews with "downwinders" in St. George, Utah, a city in the path of the tests' fallout, Jacobs found inordinate numbers of cancer cases and a nuclear-nervous public.
He described how he surreptitiously acquired a classified document from a public health office in Las Vegas revealing how the Atomic Energy Commission knew "low-level radiation" constituted serious health hazards. Later, he found declassified internal memos indicating why the government classified the health report: to keep the public from having to choose between nuclear tests and not getting cancer.
In 1977, Jacobs' doctor and his friend Linus Pauling (a Nobel Prize winner in chemistry) concluded that Paul, a non-smoker, developed lung cancer during his exposure to "low-level radiation" around the Atomic Test Site.
After 60-some years, the words "cheap, safe, and clean" sound more like an ad for an electric toothbrush than a believable promise from the nuclear gang.
The authors won an Emmy in 1981 for their documentary Paul Jacobs and the Nuclear Gang.
The nuclear industry has promised the world cheap, safe, and clean energy for over 60 years.
As the Japanese government continues to extend its nuclear evacuation zone around the Daiichi nuclear complex in Fukushima, the pushers of nuclear power--including President Barack Obama--still demand that Congress approve ever-larger subsidies for new reactors.
Wishful thinking about energy generation has apparently induced both temporary blindness and long-term amnesia about the history of nuclear "mishaps."
In 2009, the government subsidized the nuclear industry with $18.5 billion in loan guarantees, which failed to anticipate the total costs of "the next generation of plants." The Nuclear Energy Institute--the industry's lobbying group--now wants $20 billion more in loan guarantees to get the so-called "nuclear renaissance" underway.
Before ramping up funding for the nuclear gang, lawmakers should look beyond the current catastrophe and into some of the numerous U.S. nuclear accident reports.
In 1999, The Washington Post reported that "thousands of workers were unwittingly exposed to plutonium and other highly radioactive metals" at the Paducah Gaseous Diffusion plant in western Kentucky. The uranium workers "inhaled radioactive dust while processing the materials as part of a government experiment to recycle used nuclear reactor fuel"--a failed experiment that lasted 23 years.
In July 2000, wildfires near the Hanford facility in Washington spread to highly radioactive waste disposal trenches, raising the fear of airborne plutonium radiation levels in Seattle.
Compare those "little accidents" with the Chernobyl catastrophe--Fukushima has now reached that level--or the folks who got cancer from the Three Mile Island "mishap." What steps were taken to prevent further incidents following the numerous "little" leaks, fires, and "mishaps" that occurred routinely at the Rocky Flats and Hanford nuclear installations?
In 1981, PBS aired a documentary we made, Paul Jacobs and the Nuclear Gang. In it, we documented how government officials obfuscated their failure to provide the "cheap, safe, and clean" energy they promised.
Jacobs reported on how the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) and its successor three-letter agencies lied about, distorted, and even classified official reports on the health impacts of low-level radiation.
In the film, we interviewed Sergeant James Gates, who was present at early nuclear weapons test sites. He described how men positioned near the government's test site in Nevada covered their eyes during a blinding nuclear explosion. Gates said: "the blast threw me 15 feet into the air. It made all of us sick." In 1978, he had terminal cancer.
Jacobs interviewed "downwinders" who described how hot hailstones pelted them after atomic tests in Nevada. In the 1950s and again in the early 1970s, he inspected the government's claims. In his award-winning articles featuring interviews with "downwinders" in St. George, Utah, a city in the path of the tests' fallout, Jacobs found inordinate numbers of cancer cases and a nuclear-nervous public.
He described how he surreptitiously acquired a classified document from a public health office in Las Vegas revealing how the Atomic Energy Commission knew "low-level radiation" constituted serious health hazards. Later, he found declassified internal memos indicating why the government classified the health report: to keep the public from having to choose between nuclear tests and not getting cancer.
In 1977, Jacobs' doctor and his friend Linus Pauling (a Nobel Prize winner in chemistry) concluded that Paul, a non-smoker, developed lung cancer during his exposure to "low-level radiation" around the Atomic Test Site.
After 60-some years, the words "cheap, safe, and clean" sound more like an ad for an electric toothbrush than a believable promise from the nuclear gang.
The authors won an Emmy in 1981 for their documentary Paul Jacobs and the Nuclear Gang.