Hope and Change Fade, but War Endures

Seven Reasons Why We Can’t Stop Making War

If one quality characterizes our wars today, it's their
endurance. They never seem to end. Though war itself may not be an
American inevitability, these days many factors combine to make constant war
an American near certainty. Put metaphorically, our nation's pursuit
of war taps so many wellsprings of our behavior that a concerted effort
to cap itwould dwarfBP's efforts in the Gulf of Mexico.

Our political leaders, the media, and the military interpret
enduring war as a measure of our national fitness, our global power,
our grit in the face of eternal danger, and our seriousness. A desire
to de-escalate and withdraw, on the other hand, is invariably seen as
cut-and-run appeasement and discounted as weakness. Withdrawal options
are, in a pet phrase of Washington elites, invariably "off the table"
when global policy is at stake, as was true during the Obama
administration's full-scale reconsideration of the Afghan war in the
fall of 2009. Viewed in this light, the president's ultimate decision
to surge in Afghanistan was not only predictable, but the only course considered suitable for an American war leader. Rather than the tough choice, it was the path of least resistance.

Why do our elites so readily and regularly give war, not peace, a
chance? What exactly are the wellsprings of Washington's (and
America's) behavior when it comes to war and preparations for more of
the same?

Consider these seven:

1. We wage war because we think we're good at it -- and because, at a gut level, we've come to believe that American wars can bring good to others (hence our feel-good names for them, like Operations Enduring Freedom and Iraqi Freedom).
Most Americans are not only convinced we have the best troops, the best
training, and the most advanced weapons, but also the purest motives.
Unlike the bad guys and the barbarians out there in the global
marketplace of death, our warriors and warfighters are seen as gift-givers and freedom-bringers, not as death-dealers and resource-exploiters. Our illusions about the military we "support" serve as catalyst for, and apology for, the persistent war-making we condone.

2. We wage war because we've already devoted so many of our resources to it. It's what we're most prepared to do. More than half
of discretionary federal spending goes to fund our military and its war
making or war preparations. The military-industrial complex is a
well-oiled, extremely profitable machine and the armed forces, our
favorite child, the one we've lavished the most resources and praise
upon. It's natural to give your favorite child free rein.

3. We've managed to isolate war's physical and emotional costs,
leaving them on the shoulders of a tiny minority of Americans. By
eliminating the draft and relying ever more on for-profit private military contractors, we've made war a distant abstraction for most Americans, who can choose to consume it as spectacle or simply tune it out as so much background noise.

4. While war and its costs have, to date, been kept at arm's
length, American society has been militarizing fast. Our media
outlets, intelligence agencies, politicians, foreign policy
establishment, and "homeland security" bureaucracy are so intertwined
with military priorities and agendas as to be inseparable from them.
In militarized America, griping about soft-hearted tactics or the outspokenness
of a certain general may be tolerated, but forceful criticism of our
military or our wars is still treated as deviant and "un-American."

5. Our profligate, high-tech approach to war, including those
Predator and Reaper drones armed with Hellfire missiles, has served to
limit American casualties -- and so has limited the anger over, and
harsh questioning of, our wars that might go with them. While the U.S.
has had more than 1,000 troops killed in Afghanistan, over a similar
period in Vietnam we lost more than 58,000 troops. Improved medical
evacuation and trauma care, greater reliance on standoff precision
weaponry and similar "force multipliers," stronger emphasis on "force
protection" within American military units: all these and more have
helped tamp down concern about the immeasurable and soaring costs of
our wars.

6. As we incessantly develop those force-multiplying weapons to
give us our "edge" (though never an edge that leads to victory), it's
hardly surprising that the U.S. has come to dominate,
if not quite monopolize, the global arms trade. In these years, as
American jobs were outsourced or simply disappeared in the Great
Recession, armaments have been one of our few growth industries.
Endless war has proven endlessly profitable -- not perhaps for all of
us, but certainly for those in the business of war.

7. And don't forget the seductive power of beyond-worse-case,
doomsday scenarios, of the prophecies of pundits and so-called experts,
who regularly tell us that, bad as our wars may be, doing anything to
end them would be far worse. A typical scenario goes like this: If we
withdraw from Afghanistan, the government of Hamid Karzai will
collapse, the Taliban will surge to victory, al-Qaeda will pour into
Afghan safe havens, and Pakistan will be further destabilized, its
atomic bombs falling into the hands of terrorists out to destroy Peoria
and Orlando.

Such
fevered nightmares, impossible to disprove, may be conjured at any
moment to scare critics into silence. They are a convenient bogeyman,
leaving us cowering as we send our superman military out to save us
(and the world as well), while preserving our right to visit the mall and travel to Disney World without being nuked.

The truth is that no one really knows what would happen if the U.S.
disengaged from Afghanistan. But we do know what's happening now, with
us fully engaged: we're pursuing a war that's costing us nearly $7 billion
a month that we're not winning (and that's arguably unwinnable), a war
that may be increasing the chances of another 9/11, rather than
decreasing them.

Capping the Wellsprings of War

Each one of these seven wellsprings feeding our enduring wars must
be capped. So here are seven suggestions for the sort of "caps" --
hopefully more effective than BP's flailing improvisations -- we need
to install:

1. Let's reject the idea that war is either admirable or good --
and in the process, remind ourselves that others often see us as "the
foreign fighters" and profligate war consumers who kill innocents
(despite our efforts to apply deadly force in surgically precise ways
reflecting "courageous restraint").

2. Let's cut defense spending now, and reduce the global "mission"
that goes with it. Set a reasonable goal -- a 6-8% reduction annually
for the next 10 years, until levels of defense spending are at least
back to where they were before 9/11 -- and then stick to it.

3. Let's stop privatizing war. Creating ever more profitable
incentives for war was always a ludicrous idea. It's time to make war
a non-profit, last-resort activity. And let's revive national service
(including elective military service) for all young adults. What we
need is a revived civilian conservation corps, not a new civilian "expeditionary" force.

4. Let's reverse the militarization of so many dimensions of our society. To cite one example, it's time to empower
truly independent (non-embedded) journalists to cover our wars, and
stop relying on retired generals and admirals who led our previous wars
to be our media guides. Men who are beholden to their former service
branch or the current defense contractor who employs them can hardly be
trusted to be critical and unbiased guides to future conflicts.

5. Let's recognize that expensive high-tech weapons systems are not
war-winners. They've kept us in the game without yielding decisive
results -- unless you measure "results" in terms of cost overruns and burgeoning federal budget deficits.

6. Let's retool our economy and reinvest our money, moving it out
of the military-industrial complex and into strengthening our anemic
system of mass transit, our crumbling infrastructure, and alternative
energy technology. We need high-speed rail, safer roads and bridges,
and more wind turbines, not more overpriced jet fighters.

7. Finally, let's banish nightmare scenarios from our minds. The
world is scary enough without forever imagining smoking guns morphing
into mushroom clouds.

There you have it: my seven "caps" to contain our gushing support
for permanent war. No one said it would be easy. Just ask BP how easy
it is to cap one out-of-control gusher.

Nonetheless, if we as a society aren't willing to work hard for
actual change -- indeed, to demand it -- we'll be on that military
escalatory curve until we implode. And that way madness lies.