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Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
This isn't "defense."
The new budget from the White House will push U.S. military spending well above $2 billion a day.
Foreclosing the future of our country should not be confused with defending it.
"Unless miraculous growth, or miraculous political
compromises, creates some unforeseen change over the next decade, there
is virtually no room for new domestic initiatives for Mr. Obama or his
successors," the New York Times reports this morning (February 2).
It isn't defense to preclude new domestic initiatives for a
country that desperately needs them: for healthcare, jobs, green
technologies, carbon reduction, housing, education, nutrition, mass
transit . . .
"When a nation becomes obsessed with the guns of war, social
programs must inevitably suffer," Martin Luther King Jr. pointed out.
"We can talk about guns and butter all we want to, but when the guns
are there with all of its emphasis you don't even get good oleo. These
are facts of life."
At least Lyndon Johnson had a "war on poverty." For a while anyway, till his war on Vietnam destroyed it.
Since then, waving the white flag at widespread poverty --
usually by leaving it unmentioned -- has been a political fact of life
in Washington.
Oratory can be nice, but budget numbers tell us where an
administration is headed. In 2010, this one is marching up a steep
military escalator, under the banner of "defense."
Legitimate defense would cost a mere fraction of this budget.
By autumn, the Pentagon is scheduled to have a total of
100,000 uniformed U.S. troops -- and a comparable number of private
contract employees -- in Afghanistan, where the main beneficiaries are
the recruiters for Afghan insurgent forces and the profiteers growing
even richer under the wing of Karzai-government corruption.
After three decades of frequent carnage and extreme poverty in
Afghanistan, a new influx of lethal violence is arriving via the
Defense Department. That's the cosmetically named agency in charge of
sending U.S. soldiers to endure and inflict unspeakable horrors.
New waves of veterans will return home to struggle with
grievous physical and emotional injuries. Without a fundamental change
in the nation's direction, they'll be trying to resume their lives in a
society ravaged by budget priorities that treat huge military spending
as sacrosanct.
"At $744 billion, the military budget -- including military
programs outside the Pentagon, such as the Department of Energy's
nuclear weapons management -- is a budget of add-ons rather than
choices," says Miriam Pemberton at the Institute for Policy Studies.
"And it makes the imbalance between spending on military vs.
non-military security tools worse."
Of course the corporate profits for military contractors are humongous.
The executive director of the National Priorities Project, Jo
Comerford, offers this context: "The Obama administration has handed us
the largest Pentagon budget since World War II, not including the $160
billion in war funding for Iraq and Afghanistan."
The word "defense" is inherently self-justifying. But it begs the question: Just what is being defended?
For the United States, an epitaph on the horizon says: "We had to destroy our country in order to defend it."
As new sequences of political horrors unfold, maybe it's a bit
too easy for writers and readers of the progressive blogosphere to
remain within the politics of online denunciation. Cogent analysis and
articulated outrage are necessary but insufficient. The unmet challenge
is to organize widely, consistently and effectively -- against the
warfare state -- on behalf of humanistic priorities.
In the process, let's be clear. This is not a defense budget. This is a death budget.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Norman Solomon is the national director of RootsAction.org and executive director of the Institute for Public Accuracy. The paperback edition of his latest book, War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine, includes an afterword about the Gaza war.
This isn't "defense."
The new budget from the White House will push U.S. military spending well above $2 billion a day.
Foreclosing the future of our country should not be confused with defending it.
"Unless miraculous growth, or miraculous political
compromises, creates some unforeseen change over the next decade, there
is virtually no room for new domestic initiatives for Mr. Obama or his
successors," the New York Times reports this morning (February 2).
It isn't defense to preclude new domestic initiatives for a
country that desperately needs them: for healthcare, jobs, green
technologies, carbon reduction, housing, education, nutrition, mass
transit . . .
"When a nation becomes obsessed with the guns of war, social
programs must inevitably suffer," Martin Luther King Jr. pointed out.
"We can talk about guns and butter all we want to, but when the guns
are there with all of its emphasis you don't even get good oleo. These
are facts of life."
At least Lyndon Johnson had a "war on poverty." For a while anyway, till his war on Vietnam destroyed it.
Since then, waving the white flag at widespread poverty --
usually by leaving it unmentioned -- has been a political fact of life
in Washington.
Oratory can be nice, but budget numbers tell us where an
administration is headed. In 2010, this one is marching up a steep
military escalator, under the banner of "defense."
Legitimate defense would cost a mere fraction of this budget.
By autumn, the Pentagon is scheduled to have a total of
100,000 uniformed U.S. troops -- and a comparable number of private
contract employees -- in Afghanistan, where the main beneficiaries are
the recruiters for Afghan insurgent forces and the profiteers growing
even richer under the wing of Karzai-government corruption.
After three decades of frequent carnage and extreme poverty in
Afghanistan, a new influx of lethal violence is arriving via the
Defense Department. That's the cosmetically named agency in charge of
sending U.S. soldiers to endure and inflict unspeakable horrors.
New waves of veterans will return home to struggle with
grievous physical and emotional injuries. Without a fundamental change
in the nation's direction, they'll be trying to resume their lives in a
society ravaged by budget priorities that treat huge military spending
as sacrosanct.
"At $744 billion, the military budget -- including military
programs outside the Pentagon, such as the Department of Energy's
nuclear weapons management -- is a budget of add-ons rather than
choices," says Miriam Pemberton at the Institute for Policy Studies.
"And it makes the imbalance between spending on military vs.
non-military security tools worse."
Of course the corporate profits for military contractors are humongous.
The executive director of the National Priorities Project, Jo
Comerford, offers this context: "The Obama administration has handed us
the largest Pentagon budget since World War II, not including the $160
billion in war funding for Iraq and Afghanistan."
The word "defense" is inherently self-justifying. But it begs the question: Just what is being defended?
For the United States, an epitaph on the horizon says: "We had to destroy our country in order to defend it."
As new sequences of political horrors unfold, maybe it's a bit
too easy for writers and readers of the progressive blogosphere to
remain within the politics of online denunciation. Cogent analysis and
articulated outrage are necessary but insufficient. The unmet challenge
is to organize widely, consistently and effectively -- against the
warfare state -- on behalf of humanistic priorities.
In the process, let's be clear. This is not a defense budget. This is a death budget.
Norman Solomon is the national director of RootsAction.org and executive director of the Institute for Public Accuracy. The paperback edition of his latest book, War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine, includes an afterword about the Gaza war.
This isn't "defense."
The new budget from the White House will push U.S. military spending well above $2 billion a day.
Foreclosing the future of our country should not be confused with defending it.
"Unless miraculous growth, or miraculous political
compromises, creates some unforeseen change over the next decade, there
is virtually no room for new domestic initiatives for Mr. Obama or his
successors," the New York Times reports this morning (February 2).
It isn't defense to preclude new domestic initiatives for a
country that desperately needs them: for healthcare, jobs, green
technologies, carbon reduction, housing, education, nutrition, mass
transit . . .
"When a nation becomes obsessed with the guns of war, social
programs must inevitably suffer," Martin Luther King Jr. pointed out.
"We can talk about guns and butter all we want to, but when the guns
are there with all of its emphasis you don't even get good oleo. These
are facts of life."
At least Lyndon Johnson had a "war on poverty." For a while anyway, till his war on Vietnam destroyed it.
Since then, waving the white flag at widespread poverty --
usually by leaving it unmentioned -- has been a political fact of life
in Washington.
Oratory can be nice, but budget numbers tell us where an
administration is headed. In 2010, this one is marching up a steep
military escalator, under the banner of "defense."
Legitimate defense would cost a mere fraction of this budget.
By autumn, the Pentagon is scheduled to have a total of
100,000 uniformed U.S. troops -- and a comparable number of private
contract employees -- in Afghanistan, where the main beneficiaries are
the recruiters for Afghan insurgent forces and the profiteers growing
even richer under the wing of Karzai-government corruption.
After three decades of frequent carnage and extreme poverty in
Afghanistan, a new influx of lethal violence is arriving via the
Defense Department. That's the cosmetically named agency in charge of
sending U.S. soldiers to endure and inflict unspeakable horrors.
New waves of veterans will return home to struggle with
grievous physical and emotional injuries. Without a fundamental change
in the nation's direction, they'll be trying to resume their lives in a
society ravaged by budget priorities that treat huge military spending
as sacrosanct.
"At $744 billion, the military budget -- including military
programs outside the Pentagon, such as the Department of Energy's
nuclear weapons management -- is a budget of add-ons rather than
choices," says Miriam Pemberton at the Institute for Policy Studies.
"And it makes the imbalance between spending on military vs.
non-military security tools worse."
Of course the corporate profits for military contractors are humongous.
The executive director of the National Priorities Project, Jo
Comerford, offers this context: "The Obama administration has handed us
the largest Pentagon budget since World War II, not including the $160
billion in war funding for Iraq and Afghanistan."
The word "defense" is inherently self-justifying. But it begs the question: Just what is being defended?
For the United States, an epitaph on the horizon says: "We had to destroy our country in order to defend it."
As new sequences of political horrors unfold, maybe it's a bit
too easy for writers and readers of the progressive blogosphere to
remain within the politics of online denunciation. Cogent analysis and
articulated outrage are necessary but insufficient. The unmet challenge
is to organize widely, consistently and effectively -- against the
warfare state -- on behalf of humanistic priorities.
In the process, let's be clear. This is not a defense budget. This is a death budget.