May 26, 2009
To my knowledge, no one has proposed waterboarding the US Federal Reserve. But the hostile reaction of much of the country's political leadership to suggestions that the Government Accountability Office (GAO) audit the Federal Reserve Board might lead people to think that waterboarding was being called for.
The
basic story is straightforward. The US Congress has lent more than
$700bn, via the Treasury, to bankers at below market interest rates
through the troubled assets relief programme, or Tarp. This was to keep
the banks from going belly up. At the same time, the Fed has lent more
than $2 trillion to banks and non-financial institutions to maintain
liquidity in the financial system.
The congressional oversight panel,
led by Elizabeth Warren, has frequently complained that the Treasury
has not always been altogether forthcoming in providing information
about its lending practices under the Tarp. However, there is at least
a public paper trail. We can find out how much money each bank received and under what terms.
By
contrast, there is no public paper trail for the Fed's loans, even
though it has more than three times as much money outstanding as does
the Treasury through the Tarp. The Fed has only provided aggregate
information on the amount of loans in each of its various lending
programs, and general information on the terms of the loans and the
types of collateral received.
However, it is not possible to
find out in detail how much money Goldman Sachs borrowed, for example,
at what interest rate, and which assets it posted as collateral. The
Fed has explicitly refused to make information about specific borrowers
public. In fact, the inspector general who has the responsibility for
overseeing the Fed told congress that she does not have this
information. Apparently the Fed doesn't even trust its inspector
general with information on its lending practices.
It is
difficult to understand the rationale for this secrecy. There may be
times where it is necessary for America's central bank to lend money to
a bank without immediately making the information public in order to
avoid a panic. However, it is difficult to understand why this
information cannot be made available weeks or even months later. After
all, this money does not belong to the Fed - it belongs to us.
The
proposal for a GAO audit of the Fed is a first step towards reasserting
democratic control over this institution. In many respects, the Fed has
more direct control over the direction of the economy than the
president or congress, yet it carries through its actions largely
outside of the public's view.
Furthermore, it is structured so
that the banks have a hugely disproportionate influence over the Fed's
actions. The Fed's 12 district bank presidents are appointed through a
process dominated by the banks within each district. These 12
presidents sit on the Federal Open Market Committee
(FOMC), the Fed's key decision-making body on monetary policy, far
outnumbering the seven governors who are appointed through the
democratic process. (Only five of the 12 bank presidents are voting
members of the FOMC. The president of the New York Fed is always a
voting member. The other 4 voting positions rotate among the other 11
districts.)
In a democracy, it is difficult to justify a
situation in which the most important economic policy making body is,
by design, more answerable to the banking industry than democratically
elected officials. The Federal Reserve Transparency Act
is a step toward making the Fed accountable. It would simply require
that the Government Accountability Office audit the Fed's books and
report to Congress on the bailout and other issues.
While more
than 130 Republican members of the House of Representatives have signed
on as co-sponsors of the bill, just over 30 Democratic members are
co-sponsors. No one in the Democratic leadership has signed onto the
bill. It is difficult to reconcile the Democrats' position with
President Obama's often- repeated commitment to transparency. The
resistance to transparency at the Fed will only encourage the public to
believe that there actually is something to hide.
The Fed bears
primary responsibility for the economic collapse. Alan Greenspan failed
to take any steps to rein in the housing bubble and arguably even
promoted it. It was inevitable that the collapse of an $8tn bubble
would lead to a serious downturn of the sort that we are now seeing.
This
incredible failure of the Fed should raise fundamental questions about
its structure. Certainly it would be a positive step if the Fed were
more answerable to democratically-elected officials and less
accountable to Wall Street bankers. A GAO audit would be a big step in
the right direction.
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Dean Baker
Dean Baker is the co-founder and the senior economist of the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR). He is the author of several books, including "Getting Back to Full Employment: A Better bargain for Working People," "The End of Loser Liberalism: Making Markets Progressive," "The United States Since 1980," "Social Security: The Phony Crisis" (with Mark Weisbrot), and "The Conservative Nanny State: How the Wealthy Use the Government to Stay Rich and Get Richer." He also has a blog, "Beat the Press," where he discusses the media's coverage of economic issues.
To my knowledge, no one has proposed waterboarding the US Federal Reserve. But the hostile reaction of much of the country's political leadership to suggestions that the Government Accountability Office (GAO) audit the Federal Reserve Board might lead people to think that waterboarding was being called for.
The
basic story is straightforward. The US Congress has lent more than
$700bn, via the Treasury, to bankers at below market interest rates
through the troubled assets relief programme, or Tarp. This was to keep
the banks from going belly up. At the same time, the Fed has lent more
than $2 trillion to banks and non-financial institutions to maintain
liquidity in the financial system.
The congressional oversight panel,
led by Elizabeth Warren, has frequently complained that the Treasury
has not always been altogether forthcoming in providing information
about its lending practices under the Tarp. However, there is at least
a public paper trail. We can find out how much money each bank received and under what terms.
By
contrast, there is no public paper trail for the Fed's loans, even
though it has more than three times as much money outstanding as does
the Treasury through the Tarp. The Fed has only provided aggregate
information on the amount of loans in each of its various lending
programs, and general information on the terms of the loans and the
types of collateral received.
However, it is not possible to
find out in detail how much money Goldman Sachs borrowed, for example,
at what interest rate, and which assets it posted as collateral. The
Fed has explicitly refused to make information about specific borrowers
public. In fact, the inspector general who has the responsibility for
overseeing the Fed told congress that she does not have this
information. Apparently the Fed doesn't even trust its inspector
general with information on its lending practices.
It is
difficult to understand the rationale for this secrecy. There may be
times where it is necessary for America's central bank to lend money to
a bank without immediately making the information public in order to
avoid a panic. However, it is difficult to understand why this
information cannot be made available weeks or even months later. After
all, this money does not belong to the Fed - it belongs to us.
The
proposal for a GAO audit of the Fed is a first step towards reasserting
democratic control over this institution. In many respects, the Fed has
more direct control over the direction of the economy than the
president or congress, yet it carries through its actions largely
outside of the public's view.
Furthermore, it is structured so
that the banks have a hugely disproportionate influence over the Fed's
actions. The Fed's 12 district bank presidents are appointed through a
process dominated by the banks within each district. These 12
presidents sit on the Federal Open Market Committee
(FOMC), the Fed's key decision-making body on monetary policy, far
outnumbering the seven governors who are appointed through the
democratic process. (Only five of the 12 bank presidents are voting
members of the FOMC. The president of the New York Fed is always a
voting member. The other 4 voting positions rotate among the other 11
districts.)
In a democracy, it is difficult to justify a
situation in which the most important economic policy making body is,
by design, more answerable to the banking industry than democratically
elected officials. The Federal Reserve Transparency Act
is a step toward making the Fed accountable. It would simply require
that the Government Accountability Office audit the Fed's books and
report to Congress on the bailout and other issues.
While more
than 130 Republican members of the House of Representatives have signed
on as co-sponsors of the bill, just over 30 Democratic members are
co-sponsors. No one in the Democratic leadership has signed onto the
bill. It is difficult to reconcile the Democrats' position with
President Obama's often- repeated commitment to transparency. The
resistance to transparency at the Fed will only encourage the public to
believe that there actually is something to hide.
The Fed bears
primary responsibility for the economic collapse. Alan Greenspan failed
to take any steps to rein in the housing bubble and arguably even
promoted it. It was inevitable that the collapse of an $8tn bubble
would lead to a serious downturn of the sort that we are now seeing.
This
incredible failure of the Fed should raise fundamental questions about
its structure. Certainly it would be a positive step if the Fed were
more answerable to democratically-elected officials and less
accountable to Wall Street bankers. A GAO audit would be a big step in
the right direction.
Dean Baker
Dean Baker is the co-founder and the senior economist of the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR). He is the author of several books, including "Getting Back to Full Employment: A Better bargain for Working People," "The End of Loser Liberalism: Making Markets Progressive," "The United States Since 1980," "Social Security: The Phony Crisis" (with Mark Weisbrot), and "The Conservative Nanny State: How the Wealthy Use the Government to Stay Rich and Get Richer." He also has a blog, "Beat the Press," where he discusses the media's coverage of economic issues.
To my knowledge, no one has proposed waterboarding the US Federal Reserve. But the hostile reaction of much of the country's political leadership to suggestions that the Government Accountability Office (GAO) audit the Federal Reserve Board might lead people to think that waterboarding was being called for.
The
basic story is straightforward. The US Congress has lent more than
$700bn, via the Treasury, to bankers at below market interest rates
through the troubled assets relief programme, or Tarp. This was to keep
the banks from going belly up. At the same time, the Fed has lent more
than $2 trillion to banks and non-financial institutions to maintain
liquidity in the financial system.
The congressional oversight panel,
led by Elizabeth Warren, has frequently complained that the Treasury
has not always been altogether forthcoming in providing information
about its lending practices under the Tarp. However, there is at least
a public paper trail. We can find out how much money each bank received and under what terms.
By
contrast, there is no public paper trail for the Fed's loans, even
though it has more than three times as much money outstanding as does
the Treasury through the Tarp. The Fed has only provided aggregate
information on the amount of loans in each of its various lending
programs, and general information on the terms of the loans and the
types of collateral received.
However, it is not possible to
find out in detail how much money Goldman Sachs borrowed, for example,
at what interest rate, and which assets it posted as collateral. The
Fed has explicitly refused to make information about specific borrowers
public. In fact, the inspector general who has the responsibility for
overseeing the Fed told congress that she does not have this
information. Apparently the Fed doesn't even trust its inspector
general with information on its lending practices.
It is
difficult to understand the rationale for this secrecy. There may be
times where it is necessary for America's central bank to lend money to
a bank without immediately making the information public in order to
avoid a panic. However, it is difficult to understand why this
information cannot be made available weeks or even months later. After
all, this money does not belong to the Fed - it belongs to us.
The
proposal for a GAO audit of the Fed is a first step towards reasserting
democratic control over this institution. In many respects, the Fed has
more direct control over the direction of the economy than the
president or congress, yet it carries through its actions largely
outside of the public's view.
Furthermore, it is structured so
that the banks have a hugely disproportionate influence over the Fed's
actions. The Fed's 12 district bank presidents are appointed through a
process dominated by the banks within each district. These 12
presidents sit on the Federal Open Market Committee
(FOMC), the Fed's key decision-making body on monetary policy, far
outnumbering the seven governors who are appointed through the
democratic process. (Only five of the 12 bank presidents are voting
members of the FOMC. The president of the New York Fed is always a
voting member. The other 4 voting positions rotate among the other 11
districts.)
In a democracy, it is difficult to justify a
situation in which the most important economic policy making body is,
by design, more answerable to the banking industry than democratically
elected officials. The Federal Reserve Transparency Act
is a step toward making the Fed accountable. It would simply require
that the Government Accountability Office audit the Fed's books and
report to Congress on the bailout and other issues.
While more
than 130 Republican members of the House of Representatives have signed
on as co-sponsors of the bill, just over 30 Democratic members are
co-sponsors. No one in the Democratic leadership has signed onto the
bill. It is difficult to reconcile the Democrats' position with
President Obama's often- repeated commitment to transparency. The
resistance to transparency at the Fed will only encourage the public to
believe that there actually is something to hide.
The Fed bears
primary responsibility for the economic collapse. Alan Greenspan failed
to take any steps to rein in the housing bubble and arguably even
promoted it. It was inevitable that the collapse of an $8tn bubble
would lead to a serious downturn of the sort that we are now seeing.
This
incredible failure of the Fed should raise fundamental questions about
its structure. Certainly it would be a positive step if the Fed were
more answerable to democratically-elected officials and less
accountable to Wall Street bankers. A GAO audit would be a big step in
the right direction.
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