SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
McChrystal's Rise: More Secrets, Less Daylight
May 14, 2009
All along there were two US wars in Iraq. There was the public war, in
which the Pentagon tried to manipulate the mainstream media into being a
"message amplifier," while some intrepid reporters and bloggers fought
back. Then there was the secret war carried out by the Special
Operations forces, whose existence was denied even by the Pentagon.
Now the secret operations threaten to completely compromise what remains
of the public war in Afghanistan and Pakistan with the ascension of Gen.
Stanley McChrystal to top commander from his classified role in running
Special Ops in Iraq for five years.
When questioned by the media or senators presiding at his confirmation
hearing in a few weeks, Gen. McChrystal may have a simple answer to
anything troubling: sorry, that is classified.
The mystique of secrecy may come to shroud all public inquiry about
Afghanistan and Pakistan. There are questions to be answered, however.
One is framed on page 380 of Bob Woodward's book The War Within,
in which the author describes a top-secret operation in 2006 that
targeted and killed insurgents with such effectiveness that it gave
"orgasms" to Derek Harvey, a top aide to Gen. David Petraeus and
longtime tracker of Iraqi dissidents. The secret program was led by
McChrystal, then a lieutenant commander, using signals intercepts,
informants and other tools of what McChrystal calls "collaborative
warfare" through Special Access Programs (SAPS) and Special
Compartmented Information (SCI.) McChrystal, according to the New
York Times, conducted and commanded most of his secret missions at
night. These missions were consistent with the proposals of Petraeus's
top counterinsurgency adviser at the time, David Kilcullen, to revive
the discredited Phoenix Program used in South Vietnam.
This expanding secret war is crucial to understand for three reasons.
First, according to Woodward's claim, it was "more important than the
surge" in reducing insurgent violence in Iraq. Second, the Special Ops
units served as judge, jury and executioner in hundreds of extrajudicial
killings. The targeted victims were from broad categories such as "the
Sunni insurgency" and "renegade Shiite militias" or other "extremists."
Third, and most important, the operation was kept secret from the
American public, media and perhaps even the US Congress.
Woodward himself agreed to self-censorship, choosing to accept the
Pentagon's argument that to disclose any details "might lead to
unraveling of state secrets that have been so beneficial in Iraq."
And there the matter has been left, without a single follow-up story,
investigation or Congressional inquiry.
Three years later, Iraq is far from being a pacified US ally, raising
the question of whether the secret killing campaign was partly a
desperate effort to get through the 2007-2008 political cycle in the
United States.
The prospect of contending with secret counterinsurgency programs is not
a secret but a well-known challenge to those on the receiving end in
Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan. The real point is that Special
Operations allows the Pentagon to pull the wool over the eyes of the
American public, media and Congress. Nothing requires an explanation,
including the actual causes of American deaths.
If that seems a harsh conclusion, consider the one public "blot" we
already know about concerning Gen. McChrystal's war record. An
investigation by the Pentagon itself found him guilty of fabricating
false information in the drama surrounding 2004 death of Army Ranger Pat
Tillman, an Arizona Cardinals football player who was killed by friendly
fire in Afghanistan. In 2007, McChrystal was held accountable for a
Pentagon cover story that Tillman died from "devastating enemy fire,"
when in fact he was killed by accidental rounds from his own unit.
What kind of military leader would falsify the details of a soldier's
death in order to create a patriotic legend for public consumption?
His rise can only mean an intensified campaign of secret--and
dirty--warfare in the remote villages of Pakistan and Afghanistan.
The public, the media and the Congress are entitled to know whether and
how Gen. McChrystal will become transparent, accessible and accountable
as he steps out of the shadows, or whether he will be committing
America's future to the night.
An Urgent Message From Our Co-Founder
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
© 2023 The Nation
Tom Hayden
Tom Hayden (1939-2016) was a state senator and leader of 1960's peace, justice and environmental movements. He taught at Pitzer College in Los Angeles. His books include The Port Huron Statement [new edition], Street Wars and The Zapatista Reader.
All along there were two US wars in Iraq. There was the public war, in
which the Pentagon tried to manipulate the mainstream media into being a
"message amplifier," while some intrepid reporters and bloggers fought
back. Then there was the secret war carried out by the Special
Operations forces, whose existence was denied even by the Pentagon.
Now the secret operations threaten to completely compromise what remains
of the public war in Afghanistan and Pakistan with the ascension of Gen.
Stanley McChrystal to top commander from his classified role in running
Special Ops in Iraq for five years.
When questioned by the media or senators presiding at his confirmation
hearing in a few weeks, Gen. McChrystal may have a simple answer to
anything troubling: sorry, that is classified.
The mystique of secrecy may come to shroud all public inquiry about
Afghanistan and Pakistan. There are questions to be answered, however.
One is framed on page 380 of Bob Woodward's book The War Within,
in which the author describes a top-secret operation in 2006 that
targeted and killed insurgents with such effectiveness that it gave
"orgasms" to Derek Harvey, a top aide to Gen. David Petraeus and
longtime tracker of Iraqi dissidents. The secret program was led by
McChrystal, then a lieutenant commander, using signals intercepts,
informants and other tools of what McChrystal calls "collaborative
warfare" through Special Access Programs (SAPS) and Special
Compartmented Information (SCI.) McChrystal, according to the New
York Times, conducted and commanded most of his secret missions at
night. These missions were consistent with the proposals of Petraeus's
top counterinsurgency adviser at the time, David Kilcullen, to revive
the discredited Phoenix Program used in South Vietnam.
This expanding secret war is crucial to understand for three reasons.
First, according to Woodward's claim, it was "more important than the
surge" in reducing insurgent violence in Iraq. Second, the Special Ops
units served as judge, jury and executioner in hundreds of extrajudicial
killings. The targeted victims were from broad categories such as "the
Sunni insurgency" and "renegade Shiite militias" or other "extremists."
Third, and most important, the operation was kept secret from the
American public, media and perhaps even the US Congress.
Woodward himself agreed to self-censorship, choosing to accept the
Pentagon's argument that to disclose any details "might lead to
unraveling of state secrets that have been so beneficial in Iraq."
And there the matter has been left, without a single follow-up story,
investigation or Congressional inquiry.
Three years later, Iraq is far from being a pacified US ally, raising
the question of whether the secret killing campaign was partly a
desperate effort to get through the 2007-2008 political cycle in the
United States.
The prospect of contending with secret counterinsurgency programs is not
a secret but a well-known challenge to those on the receiving end in
Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan. The real point is that Special
Operations allows the Pentagon to pull the wool over the eyes of the
American public, media and Congress. Nothing requires an explanation,
including the actual causes of American deaths.
If that seems a harsh conclusion, consider the one public "blot" we
already know about concerning Gen. McChrystal's war record. An
investigation by the Pentagon itself found him guilty of fabricating
false information in the drama surrounding 2004 death of Army Ranger Pat
Tillman, an Arizona Cardinals football player who was killed by friendly
fire in Afghanistan. In 2007, McChrystal was held accountable for a
Pentagon cover story that Tillman died from "devastating enemy fire,"
when in fact he was killed by accidental rounds from his own unit.
What kind of military leader would falsify the details of a soldier's
death in order to create a patriotic legend for public consumption?
His rise can only mean an intensified campaign of secret--and
dirty--warfare in the remote villages of Pakistan and Afghanistan.
The public, the media and the Congress are entitled to know whether and
how Gen. McChrystal will become transparent, accessible and accountable
as he steps out of the shadows, or whether he will be committing
America's future to the night.
Tom Hayden
Tom Hayden (1939-2016) was a state senator and leader of 1960's peace, justice and environmental movements. He taught at Pitzer College in Los Angeles. His books include The Port Huron Statement [new edition], Street Wars and The Zapatista Reader.
All along there were two US wars in Iraq. There was the public war, in
which the Pentagon tried to manipulate the mainstream media into being a
"message amplifier," while some intrepid reporters and bloggers fought
back. Then there was the secret war carried out by the Special
Operations forces, whose existence was denied even by the Pentagon.
Now the secret operations threaten to completely compromise what remains
of the public war in Afghanistan and Pakistan with the ascension of Gen.
Stanley McChrystal to top commander from his classified role in running
Special Ops in Iraq for five years.
When questioned by the media or senators presiding at his confirmation
hearing in a few weeks, Gen. McChrystal may have a simple answer to
anything troubling: sorry, that is classified.
The mystique of secrecy may come to shroud all public inquiry about
Afghanistan and Pakistan. There are questions to be answered, however.
One is framed on page 380 of Bob Woodward's book The War Within,
in which the author describes a top-secret operation in 2006 that
targeted and killed insurgents with such effectiveness that it gave
"orgasms" to Derek Harvey, a top aide to Gen. David Petraeus and
longtime tracker of Iraqi dissidents. The secret program was led by
McChrystal, then a lieutenant commander, using signals intercepts,
informants and other tools of what McChrystal calls "collaborative
warfare" through Special Access Programs (SAPS) and Special
Compartmented Information (SCI.) McChrystal, according to the New
York Times, conducted and commanded most of his secret missions at
night. These missions were consistent with the proposals of Petraeus's
top counterinsurgency adviser at the time, David Kilcullen, to revive
the discredited Phoenix Program used in South Vietnam.
This expanding secret war is crucial to understand for three reasons.
First, according to Woodward's claim, it was "more important than the
surge" in reducing insurgent violence in Iraq. Second, the Special Ops
units served as judge, jury and executioner in hundreds of extrajudicial
killings. The targeted victims were from broad categories such as "the
Sunni insurgency" and "renegade Shiite militias" or other "extremists."
Third, and most important, the operation was kept secret from the
American public, media and perhaps even the US Congress.
Woodward himself agreed to self-censorship, choosing to accept the
Pentagon's argument that to disclose any details "might lead to
unraveling of state secrets that have been so beneficial in Iraq."
And there the matter has been left, without a single follow-up story,
investigation or Congressional inquiry.
Three years later, Iraq is far from being a pacified US ally, raising
the question of whether the secret killing campaign was partly a
desperate effort to get through the 2007-2008 political cycle in the
United States.
The prospect of contending with secret counterinsurgency programs is not
a secret but a well-known challenge to those on the receiving end in
Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan. The real point is that Special
Operations allows the Pentagon to pull the wool over the eyes of the
American public, media and Congress. Nothing requires an explanation,
including the actual causes of American deaths.
If that seems a harsh conclusion, consider the one public "blot" we
already know about concerning Gen. McChrystal's war record. An
investigation by the Pentagon itself found him guilty of fabricating
false information in the drama surrounding 2004 death of Army Ranger Pat
Tillman, an Arizona Cardinals football player who was killed by friendly
fire in Afghanistan. In 2007, McChrystal was held accountable for a
Pentagon cover story that Tillman died from "devastating enemy fire,"
when in fact he was killed by accidental rounds from his own unit.
What kind of military leader would falsify the details of a soldier's
death in order to create a patriotic legend for public consumption?
His rise can only mean an intensified campaign of secret--and
dirty--warfare in the remote villages of Pakistan and Afghanistan.
The public, the media and the Congress are entitled to know whether and
how Gen. McChrystal will become transparent, accessible and accountable
as he steps out of the shadows, or whether he will be committing
America's future to the night.
We've had enough. The 1% own and operate the corporate media. They are doing everything they can to defend the status quo, squash dissent and protect the wealthy and the powerful. The Common Dreams media model is different. We cover the news that matters to the 99%. Our mission? To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. How? Nonprofit. Independent. Reader-supported. Free to read. Free to republish. Free to share. With no advertising. No paywalls. No selling of your data. Thousands of small donations fund our newsroom and allow us to continue publishing. Can you chip in? We can't do it without you. Thank you.