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Palestinian children bloodied by Israeli air strikes in Gaza City's Al-Shifa Hospital.
To stem the ever-worsening cycles of violent outbursts and utter despair, a fundamental shift in U.S. policy in the region is imperative.
As of October 10, the Hamas-led “Operation Al-Aqsa Flood,” launched on October 7, and Israel’s “Operation Iron Sword” have left a grim toll. In Israel there are over 1200 dead, 2400 wounded, and 100-plus hostages. In Gaza, there are over 950 dead, including at least 140 children, and 4250 injured. Sadly, by the time this piece is published, the toll will have surged, especially on the Palestinian side. Disappointingly, the reaction in the U.S. has been one-sided condemnation with no recognition of a broader context. This pattern covers the entire spectrum of politicians, including Donald Trump, President Biden, Bernie Sanders and even Ilhan Omar (though she has also called for a ceasefire). Collectively, U.S. politicians have conveyed that Israelis are “worthy” victims and Palestinians are not.
Of course, there is good reason to condemn the nature of Hamas’ invasion, which killed plenty of noncombatants and included a massacre of over 200 at a music concert. Yet to call these attacks unprovoked and to ignore the grave conditions of Palestinians in Gaza is morally tone-deaf, self-absolving, and counterproductive. Indeed, this one-sided condemnation will embolden a harsh reaction from an Israeli government that has become unleashed from legal or moral constraints. Notably, Israel’s Defense Minister Yoav Gallant declared a complete blockade of electricity, fuel, food, and water for the Gaza and stated “We are fighting human animals and we act accordingly.” Other journalists and politicians have called for sending “Gaza back to the stone age” and asked “Why are there buildings still standing in Gaza?”
Urgently needed in the U.S. is both a probing understanding of what led to the present eruption of violence and reckoning for U.S. complicity. Only then might it finally contribute to a peaceful resolution. To help with this task, I start by applying the most valuable approach from my scholarly discipline of international relations, which is to assess the situation from the perspective of the protagonists. As there is no shortage of empathy for Israelis, I consider a few important considerations from the Palestinian perspective, particularly those living in Gaza. Leaving aside internal divisions, we can assume a widespread hope for robust self-determination, dignity, and the end of subjugation. What, then, have Palestinians faced in recent years?
To begin with, the era of official, U.S.-mediated bilateral negotiations launched by the Oslo Accords in 1993 utterly failed despite the unequivocal recognition from the Palestinian leadership of the state of Israel, based on its 1967 borders. The result has been a great expansion of settlements, the cordoning off of Palestinians into distinct zones hemmed in by checkpoints, Israeli settlements and infrastructure, and a deterioration in living standards.
To be sure, there is no shortage of missteps and ugly actions taken over the years by Hamas and its invasion has involved severe war crimes. Nevertheless, Palestinians have been in an untenable position, which helps explain, without justifying, why they lashed out violently.
Gaza, meanwhile, has been under siege since 2007. The Israeli human rights group B’Tselem has documented a situation of “nearly inhumane conditions” in which 60% of the population faces food insecurity, access to electricity is restricted to a few hours a day, 96% of the water is contaminated, and Israeli buffer zones constrict the permissible areas for farming and fishing. As Israeli officials have stated the aim to be the weakening and overthrow of Hamas, the International Committee of the Red Cross has determined the siege to be “collective punishment” in violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention.
A third widely recognized dynamic is the failure of both diplomacy from the Palestinian Authority and non-violent protests. In 2018-2019, thousands of Gazans took part in peaceful protests along the Gaza perimeter to protest the siege and other Israeli policies. True to its policy of using live fire to attack anyone who approached the buffer zone, Israelis fired at the protesters, resulting in 223 deaths and 8000 injured.
One last dynamic to highlight for now is the intersection of an extremist Israeli government—one that rejects a Palestinian state and furthers Jewish supremacy across greater Israel—and the deepening of a U.S.-led project, which started with the Abraham Accords of 2020 and is now focused on Saudi-Israeli normalization, which effectively removes the Palestinian political cause as a concern for the heart of the Middle East.
To be sure, there is no shortage of missteps and ugly actions taken over the years by Hamas and its invasion has involved severe war crimes. Nevertheless, Palestinians have been in an untenable position, which helps explain, without justifying, why they lashed out violently. Crucially, the U.S. has not been an innocent bystander. First, it has long shielded Israel from sanctions for the latter’s long defiance of a global consensus—one that condemns settlements, insists upon full regard for international humanitarian law, and deems a fully sovereign Palestinian state over all of the Palestinian territories (the West Bank and Gaza Strip) taken by Israel in the 1967 war as indispensable. Notwithstanding, Israel’s further descent into hardline chauvinism, the U.S. still provides billions of dollars in security assistance while President Biden declares the “unbreakable” friendship of the two countries. With the plan for Saudi-Israeli normalization, the U.S. has moved to a final washing of its hands of the Palestinians.
To stem the ever-worsening cycles of violent outbursts and utter despair, a fundamental shift in U.S. policy in the region is imperative. This will not occur soon but there are signs of major changes within the U.S. academic community and among the young people in general, including American Jews. Most immediately, however, all Americans concerned about stopping a bloodbath should demand an immediate ceasefire from President Biden and their representatives in Congress rather than giving Israel free reign to retaliate as it sees fit. Otherwise, we may be headed down a path that will cement ugliness and instability in the region for decades, a prospect with grave consequences for both Palestinians and Israeli Jews.
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As of October 10, the Hamas-led “Operation Al-Aqsa Flood,” launched on October 7, and Israel’s “Operation Iron Sword” have left a grim toll. In Israel there are over 1200 dead, 2400 wounded, and 100-plus hostages. In Gaza, there are over 950 dead, including at least 140 children, and 4250 injured. Sadly, by the time this piece is published, the toll will have surged, especially on the Palestinian side. Disappointingly, the reaction in the U.S. has been one-sided condemnation with no recognition of a broader context. This pattern covers the entire spectrum of politicians, including Donald Trump, President Biden, Bernie Sanders and even Ilhan Omar (though she has also called for a ceasefire). Collectively, U.S. politicians have conveyed that Israelis are “worthy” victims and Palestinians are not.
Of course, there is good reason to condemn the nature of Hamas’ invasion, which killed plenty of noncombatants and included a massacre of over 200 at a music concert. Yet to call these attacks unprovoked and to ignore the grave conditions of Palestinians in Gaza is morally tone-deaf, self-absolving, and counterproductive. Indeed, this one-sided condemnation will embolden a harsh reaction from an Israeli government that has become unleashed from legal or moral constraints. Notably, Israel’s Defense Minister Yoav Gallant declared a complete blockade of electricity, fuel, food, and water for the Gaza and stated “We are fighting human animals and we act accordingly.” Other journalists and politicians have called for sending “Gaza back to the stone age” and asked “Why are there buildings still standing in Gaza?”
Urgently needed in the U.S. is both a probing understanding of what led to the present eruption of violence and reckoning for U.S. complicity. Only then might it finally contribute to a peaceful resolution. To help with this task, I start by applying the most valuable approach from my scholarly discipline of international relations, which is to assess the situation from the perspective of the protagonists. As there is no shortage of empathy for Israelis, I consider a few important considerations from the Palestinian perspective, particularly those living in Gaza. Leaving aside internal divisions, we can assume a widespread hope for robust self-determination, dignity, and the end of subjugation. What, then, have Palestinians faced in recent years?
To begin with, the era of official, U.S.-mediated bilateral negotiations launched by the Oslo Accords in 1993 utterly failed despite the unequivocal recognition from the Palestinian leadership of the state of Israel, based on its 1967 borders. The result has been a great expansion of settlements, the cordoning off of Palestinians into distinct zones hemmed in by checkpoints, Israeli settlements and infrastructure, and a deterioration in living standards.
To be sure, there is no shortage of missteps and ugly actions taken over the years by Hamas and its invasion has involved severe war crimes. Nevertheless, Palestinians have been in an untenable position, which helps explain, without justifying, why they lashed out violently.
Gaza, meanwhile, has been under siege since 2007. The Israeli human rights group B’Tselem has documented a situation of “nearly inhumane conditions” in which 60% of the population faces food insecurity, access to electricity is restricted to a few hours a day, 96% of the water is contaminated, and Israeli buffer zones constrict the permissible areas for farming and fishing. As Israeli officials have stated the aim to be the weakening and overthrow of Hamas, the International Committee of the Red Cross has determined the siege to be “collective punishment” in violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention.
A third widely recognized dynamic is the failure of both diplomacy from the Palestinian Authority and non-violent protests. In 2018-2019, thousands of Gazans took part in peaceful protests along the Gaza perimeter to protest the siege and other Israeli policies. True to its policy of using live fire to attack anyone who approached the buffer zone, Israelis fired at the protesters, resulting in 223 deaths and 8000 injured.
One last dynamic to highlight for now is the intersection of an extremist Israeli government—one that rejects a Palestinian state and furthers Jewish supremacy across greater Israel—and the deepening of a U.S.-led project, which started with the Abraham Accords of 2020 and is now focused on Saudi-Israeli normalization, which effectively removes the Palestinian political cause as a concern for the heart of the Middle East.
To be sure, there is no shortage of missteps and ugly actions taken over the years by Hamas and its invasion has involved severe war crimes. Nevertheless, Palestinians have been in an untenable position, which helps explain, without justifying, why they lashed out violently. Crucially, the U.S. has not been an innocent bystander. First, it has long shielded Israel from sanctions for the latter’s long defiance of a global consensus—one that condemns settlements, insists upon full regard for international humanitarian law, and deems a fully sovereign Palestinian state over all of the Palestinian territories (the West Bank and Gaza Strip) taken by Israel in the 1967 war as indispensable. Notwithstanding, Israel’s further descent into hardline chauvinism, the U.S. still provides billions of dollars in security assistance while President Biden declares the “unbreakable” friendship of the two countries. With the plan for Saudi-Israeli normalization, the U.S. has moved to a final washing of its hands of the Palestinians.
To stem the ever-worsening cycles of violent outbursts and utter despair, a fundamental shift in U.S. policy in the region is imperative. This will not occur soon but there are signs of major changes within the U.S. academic community and among the young people in general, including American Jews. Most immediately, however, all Americans concerned about stopping a bloodbath should demand an immediate ceasefire from President Biden and their representatives in Congress rather than giving Israel free reign to retaliate as it sees fit. Otherwise, we may be headed down a path that will cement ugliness and instability in the region for decades, a prospect with grave consequences for both Palestinians and Israeli Jews.
As of October 10, the Hamas-led “Operation Al-Aqsa Flood,” launched on October 7, and Israel’s “Operation Iron Sword” have left a grim toll. In Israel there are over 1200 dead, 2400 wounded, and 100-plus hostages. In Gaza, there are over 950 dead, including at least 140 children, and 4250 injured. Sadly, by the time this piece is published, the toll will have surged, especially on the Palestinian side. Disappointingly, the reaction in the U.S. has been one-sided condemnation with no recognition of a broader context. This pattern covers the entire spectrum of politicians, including Donald Trump, President Biden, Bernie Sanders and even Ilhan Omar (though she has also called for a ceasefire). Collectively, U.S. politicians have conveyed that Israelis are “worthy” victims and Palestinians are not.
Of course, there is good reason to condemn the nature of Hamas’ invasion, which killed plenty of noncombatants and included a massacre of over 200 at a music concert. Yet to call these attacks unprovoked and to ignore the grave conditions of Palestinians in Gaza is morally tone-deaf, self-absolving, and counterproductive. Indeed, this one-sided condemnation will embolden a harsh reaction from an Israeli government that has become unleashed from legal or moral constraints. Notably, Israel’s Defense Minister Yoav Gallant declared a complete blockade of electricity, fuel, food, and water for the Gaza and stated “We are fighting human animals and we act accordingly.” Other journalists and politicians have called for sending “Gaza back to the stone age” and asked “Why are there buildings still standing in Gaza?”
Urgently needed in the U.S. is both a probing understanding of what led to the present eruption of violence and reckoning for U.S. complicity. Only then might it finally contribute to a peaceful resolution. To help with this task, I start by applying the most valuable approach from my scholarly discipline of international relations, which is to assess the situation from the perspective of the protagonists. As there is no shortage of empathy for Israelis, I consider a few important considerations from the Palestinian perspective, particularly those living in Gaza. Leaving aside internal divisions, we can assume a widespread hope for robust self-determination, dignity, and the end of subjugation. What, then, have Palestinians faced in recent years?
To begin with, the era of official, U.S.-mediated bilateral negotiations launched by the Oslo Accords in 1993 utterly failed despite the unequivocal recognition from the Palestinian leadership of the state of Israel, based on its 1967 borders. The result has been a great expansion of settlements, the cordoning off of Palestinians into distinct zones hemmed in by checkpoints, Israeli settlements and infrastructure, and a deterioration in living standards.
To be sure, there is no shortage of missteps and ugly actions taken over the years by Hamas and its invasion has involved severe war crimes. Nevertheless, Palestinians have been in an untenable position, which helps explain, without justifying, why they lashed out violently.
Gaza, meanwhile, has been under siege since 2007. The Israeli human rights group B’Tselem has documented a situation of “nearly inhumane conditions” in which 60% of the population faces food insecurity, access to electricity is restricted to a few hours a day, 96% of the water is contaminated, and Israeli buffer zones constrict the permissible areas for farming and fishing. As Israeli officials have stated the aim to be the weakening and overthrow of Hamas, the International Committee of the Red Cross has determined the siege to be “collective punishment” in violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention.
A third widely recognized dynamic is the failure of both diplomacy from the Palestinian Authority and non-violent protests. In 2018-2019, thousands of Gazans took part in peaceful protests along the Gaza perimeter to protest the siege and other Israeli policies. True to its policy of using live fire to attack anyone who approached the buffer zone, Israelis fired at the protesters, resulting in 223 deaths and 8000 injured.
One last dynamic to highlight for now is the intersection of an extremist Israeli government—one that rejects a Palestinian state and furthers Jewish supremacy across greater Israel—and the deepening of a U.S.-led project, which started with the Abraham Accords of 2020 and is now focused on Saudi-Israeli normalization, which effectively removes the Palestinian political cause as a concern for the heart of the Middle East.
To be sure, there is no shortage of missteps and ugly actions taken over the years by Hamas and its invasion has involved severe war crimes. Nevertheless, Palestinians have been in an untenable position, which helps explain, without justifying, why they lashed out violently. Crucially, the U.S. has not been an innocent bystander. First, it has long shielded Israel from sanctions for the latter’s long defiance of a global consensus—one that condemns settlements, insists upon full regard for international humanitarian law, and deems a fully sovereign Palestinian state over all of the Palestinian territories (the West Bank and Gaza Strip) taken by Israel in the 1967 war as indispensable. Notwithstanding, Israel’s further descent into hardline chauvinism, the U.S. still provides billions of dollars in security assistance while President Biden declares the “unbreakable” friendship of the two countries. With the plan for Saudi-Israeli normalization, the U.S. has moved to a final washing of its hands of the Palestinians.
To stem the ever-worsening cycles of violent outbursts and utter despair, a fundamental shift in U.S. policy in the region is imperative. This will not occur soon but there are signs of major changes within the U.S. academic community and among the young people in general, including American Jews. Most immediately, however, all Americans concerned about stopping a bloodbath should demand an immediate ceasefire from President Biden and their representatives in Congress rather than giving Israel free reign to retaliate as it sees fit. Otherwise, we may be headed down a path that will cement ugliness and instability in the region for decades, a prospect with grave consequences for both Palestinians and Israeli Jews.
Rep. Greg Casar accused Trump and his Republican allies of "trying to pull off the most corrupt bargain I've ever seen."
Progressives rallied across the country on Saturday to protest against US President Donald Trump's attempts to get Republican-run state legislatures to redraw their maps to benefit GOP candidates in the 2026 midterm elections.
The anchor rally for the nationwide "Fight the Trump Takeover" protests was held in Austin, Texas, where Republicans in the state are poised to become the first in the nation to redraw their maps at the president's behest.
Progressives in the Lone Star State capital rallied against Trump and Texas Gov. Greg Abbott for breaking with historical precedent by carrying out congressional redistricting in the middle of the decade. Independent experts have estimated that the Texas gerrymandering alone could yield the GOP five additional seats in the US House of Representatives.
Speaking before a boisterous crowd of thousands of people, Rep. Lloyd Doggett (D-Texas) charged that the Texas GOP was drawing up "districts set up to elect a Trump minion" in next year's midterms. However, Doggett also said that progressives should still try to compete in these districts, whose residents voted for Trump in the 2024 election but who also have histories of supporting Democratic candidates.
"Next year, [Trump is] not going to be on the ballot to draw the MAGA vote," said Doggett. "Is there anyone here who believes that we ought to abandon any of these redrawn districts and surrender them to Trump?"
Leonard Aguilar, the secretary-treasurer of Texas AFL-CIO, attacked Abbott for doing the president's bidding even as people in central Texas are still struggling in the aftermath of the deadly floods last month that killed at least 136 people.
"It's time for Gov. Abbott to cut the bullshit," he said. "We need help now but he's working at the behest of the president, on behalf of Trump... He's letting Trump take over Texas!"
Aguilar also speculated that Trump is fixated on having Texas redraw its maps because he "knows he's in trouble and he wants to change the rules midstream."
Rep. Greg Casar (D-Texas) went through a litany of grievances against Trump and the Republican Party, ranging from the Texas redistricting plan, to hardline immigration policies, to the massive GOP budget package passed last month that is projected to kick 17 million Americans off of Medicaid.
However, Casar also said that he felt hope watching how people in Austin were fighting back against Trump and his policies.
"I'm proud that our city is fighting," he said. "I'm proud of the grit that we have even when the odds are stacked against us. The only answer to oligarchy is organization."
Casar went on to accuse Trump and Republicans or "trying to pull off the most corrupt bargain I've ever seen," and then added that "as they try to kick us off our healthcare, as they try to rig this election, we're not going to let them!"
Saturday's protests are being done in partnership with several prominent progressive groups, including Indivisible, MoveOn, Human Rights Campaign, Public Citizen, and the Communication Workers of America. Some Texas-specific groups—including Texas Freedom Network, Texas AFL-CIO, and Texas for All—are also partners in the protest.
Judge Rossie Alston Jr. ruled the plaintiffs had failed to prove the groups provided "ongoing, continuous, systematic, and material support for Hamas and its affiliates."
A federal judge appointed in 2019 by US President Donald Trump has dismissed a lawsuit filed against pro-Palestinian organizations that alleged they were fronts for the terrorist organization Hamas.
In a ruling issued on Friday, Judge Rossie Alston Jr. of the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia found that the plaintiffs who filed the case against the pro-Palestine groups had not sufficiently demonstrated a clear link between the groups and Hamas' attack on Israel on October 7, 2023.
The plaintiffs in the case—consisting of seven Americans and two Israelis—were all victims of the Hamas attack that killed an estimated 1,200 people, including more than 700 Israeli civilians.
They alleged that the pro-Palestinian groups—including National Students for Justice in Palestine, WESPAC Foundation, and Americans for Justice in Palestine Educational Foundation—provided material support to Hamas that directly led to injuries they suffered as a result of the October 7 attack.
This alleged support for Hamas, the plaintiffs argued, violated both the Anti-Terrorism Act and the Alien Tort Statute.
However, after examining all the evidence presented by the plaintiffs, Alston found they had not proven their claim that the organizations in question provide "ongoing, continuous, systematic, and material support for Hamas and its affiliates."
Specifically, Alston said that the claims made by the plaintiffs "are all very general and conclusory and do not specifically relate to the injuries" that they suffered in the Hamas attack.
"Although plaintiffs conclude that defendants have aided and abetted Hamas by providing it with 'material support despite knowledge of Hamas' terrorist activity both before, during, and after its October 7 terrorist attack,' plaintiffs do not allege that any planning, preparation, funding, or execution of the October 7, 2023 attack or any violations of international law by Hamas occurred in the United States," Alston emphasized. "None of the direct attackers are alleged to be citizens of the United States."
Alston was unconvinced by the plaintiffs' claims that the pro-Palestinian organizations "act as Hamas' public relations division, recruiting domestic foot soldiers to disseminate Hamas’s propaganda," and he similarly dismissed them as "vague and conclusory."
He then said that the plaintiffs did not establish that these "public relations" activities purportedly done on behalf of Hamas had "aided and abetted Hamas in carrying out the specific October 7, 2023 attack (or subsequent or continuing Hamas violations) that caused the Israeli Plaintiffs' injuries."
Alston concluded by dismissing the plaintiffs' case without prejudice, meaning they are free to file an amended lawsuit against the plaintiffs within 30 days of the judge's ruling.
"Putin got one hell of a photo op out of Trump," wrote one critic.
US President Donald Trump on Saturday morning tried to put his best spin on a Friday summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin that yielded neither a cease-fire agreement nor a comprehensive peace deal to end the war in Ukraine.
Writing on his Truth Social page, the president took a victory lap over the summit despite coming home completely empty-handed when he flew back from Alaska on Friday night.
"A great and very successful day in Alaska!" Trump began. "The meeting with President Vladimir Putin of Russia went very well, as did a late night phone call with President Zelenskyy of Ukraine, and various European Leaders, including the highly respected Secretary General of NATO."
Trump then pivoted to saying that he was fine with not obtaining a cease-fire agreement, even though he said just days before that he'd impose "severe consequences" on Russia if it did not agree to one.
"It was determined by all that the best way to end the horrific war between Russia and Ukraine is to go directly to a Peace Agreement, which would end the war, and not a mere Cease-fire Agreement, which often times do not hold up," Trump said. "President Zelenskyy will be coming to DC, the Oval Office, on Monday afternoon. If all works out, we will then schedule a meeting with President Putin. Potentially, millions of people's lives will be saved."
While Trump did his best to put a happy face on the summit, many critics contended it was nothing short of a debacle for the US president.
Writing in The New Yorker, Susan Glasser argued that the entire summit with Putin was a "self-own of embarrassing proportions," given that he literally rolled out the red carpet for his Russian counterpart and did not achieve any success in bringing the war to a close.
"Putin got one hell of a photo op out of Trump, and still more time on the clock to prosecute his war against the 'brotherly' Ukrainian people, as he had the chutzpah to call them during his remarks in Alaska," she wrote. "The most enduring images from Anchorage, it seems, will be its grotesque displays of bonhomie between the dictator and his longtime American admirer."
She also noted that Trump appeared to shift the entire burden of ending the war onto Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, and he even said after the Putin summit that "it's really up to President Zelenskyy to get it done."
This led Glasser to comment that "if there's one unwavering Law of Trump, this is it: Whatever happens, it is never, ever, his fault."
Glasser wasn't the only critic to offer a scathing assessment of the summit. The Economist blasted Trump in an editorial about the meeting, which it labeled a "gift" to Putin. The magazine also contrasted the way that Trump treated Putin during his visit to American soil with the way that he treated Zelenskyy during an Oval Office meeting earlier this year.
"The honors for Mr. Putin were in sharp contrast to the public humiliation that Mr. Trump and his advisers inflicted on Mr. Zelenskyy during his first visit to the White House earlier this year," they wrote. "Since then relations with Ukraine have improved, but Mr. Trump has often been quick to blame it for being invaded; and he has proved strangely indulgent with Mr. Putin."
Michael McFaul, an American ambassador to Russia under former President Barack Obama, was struck by just how much effort went into holding a summit that accomplished nothing.
"Summits usually have deliverables," he told The Atlantic. "This meeting had none... I hope that they made some progress towards next steps in the peace process. But there is no evidence of that yet."