

SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.


Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
A US federal judge on Friday dismissed a lawsuit challenging the Obama administration's killing of three Americans in drone strokes, a decision slammed as "a true travesty of justice for our constitutional democracy."
The case was brought by the ACLU and the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) on behalf of family members of the victims killed in 2011 in Yemen: Anwar Al-Aulaqi, his 16-year-old son Abdulrahman, and Samir Khan.
The Obama administration admitted last year that it had killed the three, though the older Al-Aulaki, described as a senior AQAP leader and "intimately involved in detailed planning and putting in place plots against U.S. persons," was the only of the three that was "specifically targeted."
The rights groups had charged that Anwar Al-Aulaqi was put on the government's "kill list," and put there "without due process and without any effort to capture, arrest and try him." Khan was traveling in the same vehicle and was killed the attack that targeted Anwar Al-Aulaki. Abdulrahman Al-Aulaki was killed in a separate drone strike that targeted another individual weeks later.
In her ruling delivered Friday, U.S. District Court Judge Rosemary Collyer dismissed the challenge to the constitutionality of the killings.
The officials named as defendants in the suit, including then-Defense Secretary Leon Panetta, "cannot be held personally responsible in monetary damages for conducting war."
Though siding with the defendants, Collyer writes in her opinion: "The powers granted to the Executive and Congress to wage war and provide for national security does not give them carte blanche to deprive a U.S. citizen of his life without due process and without any judicial review."
Collyer states that the victims' Fourth Amendment rights were not violated because they were not "seized," they were killed, because "[u]nmanned drones are functionally incapable of 'seizing' a person; they are designed to kill, not capture."
The Fifth Amendment violation does not apply to the younger Al-Aulaki or Khan, as they were not deliberately targeted, she writes, explaining that it was "negligence" that they were harmed as bystanders. "Mere negligence does not give rise to a constitutional deprivation," she states in her opinion.
For Anwar Al-Aulaki's due process rights' violations, Collyer writes that "the Court finds no available remedy under U.S. law for this claim."
"In this delicate area of warmaking, national security, and foreign relations, the judiciary has an exceedingly limited role. This Court is not equipped to question, and does not make a finding concerning, Defendants' actions in dealing with AQAP generally or Anwar Al- Aulaqi in particular. Its role is much more modest: only to ensure that the circumstances of the exercise of war powers against a specifically-targeted U.S. citizen overseas do not call for the recognition of a new area of Bivens relief," the opinion states.
The Bivens case, as Politico's Josh Gerstein explains, "refer[s] to a line of cases discussing when courts should allow damage lawsuits against government officials."
"Permitting Plaintiffs to pursue a Bivens remedy under the circumstances of this case would impermissibly draw the Court into 'the heart of executive and military planning and deliberation,'" Collyer writes, "as the suit would require the Court to examine national security policy and the military chain of command as well as operational combat decisions regarding the designation of targets and how best to counter threats to the United States."
"Further, allowing Plaintiffs to bring a Bivens action against Defendants would hinder their ability in the future to act decisively and without hesitation in defense of U.S. interests," her opinion continues.
The ACLU and CCR issued statements denouncing the ruling.
"Judge Collyer effectively convicted Anwar Al-Aulaqi posthumously based on the government's own say-so, and found that the constitutional rights of 16-year-old Abdulrahman Al-Aulaqi and Samir Khan weren't violated because the government didn't target them," stated Maria LaHood, CCR Senior Attorney. "It seems there's no remedy if the government intended to kill you, and no remedy if it didn't. This decision is a true travesty of justice for our constitutional democracy, and for all victims of the U.S. government's unlawful killings."
Added Hina Shamsi, ACLU National Security Project Director and one of the attorneys who argued the case, "The court's view that it cannot provide a remedy for extrajudicial killings when the government claims to be at war, even far from any battlefield, is profoundly at odds with the Constitution. It is precisely when individual liberties are under such grave threat that we need the courts to act to defend them."
____________________
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
A US federal judge on Friday dismissed a lawsuit challenging the Obama administration's killing of three Americans in drone strokes, a decision slammed as "a true travesty of justice for our constitutional democracy."
The case was brought by the ACLU and the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) on behalf of family members of the victims killed in 2011 in Yemen: Anwar Al-Aulaqi, his 16-year-old son Abdulrahman, and Samir Khan.
The Obama administration admitted last year that it had killed the three, though the older Al-Aulaki, described as a senior AQAP leader and "intimately involved in detailed planning and putting in place plots against U.S. persons," was the only of the three that was "specifically targeted."
The rights groups had charged that Anwar Al-Aulaqi was put on the government's "kill list," and put there "without due process and without any effort to capture, arrest and try him." Khan was traveling in the same vehicle and was killed the attack that targeted Anwar Al-Aulaki. Abdulrahman Al-Aulaki was killed in a separate drone strike that targeted another individual weeks later.
In her ruling delivered Friday, U.S. District Court Judge Rosemary Collyer dismissed the challenge to the constitutionality of the killings.
The officials named as defendants in the suit, including then-Defense Secretary Leon Panetta, "cannot be held personally responsible in monetary damages for conducting war."
Though siding with the defendants, Collyer writes in her opinion: "The powers granted to the Executive and Congress to wage war and provide for national security does not give them carte blanche to deprive a U.S. citizen of his life without due process and without any judicial review."
Collyer states that the victims' Fourth Amendment rights were not violated because they were not "seized," they were killed, because "[u]nmanned drones are functionally incapable of 'seizing' a person; they are designed to kill, not capture."
The Fifth Amendment violation does not apply to the younger Al-Aulaki or Khan, as they were not deliberately targeted, she writes, explaining that it was "negligence" that they were harmed as bystanders. "Mere negligence does not give rise to a constitutional deprivation," she states in her opinion.
For Anwar Al-Aulaki's due process rights' violations, Collyer writes that "the Court finds no available remedy under U.S. law for this claim."
"In this delicate area of warmaking, national security, and foreign relations, the judiciary has an exceedingly limited role. This Court is not equipped to question, and does not make a finding concerning, Defendants' actions in dealing with AQAP generally or Anwar Al- Aulaqi in particular. Its role is much more modest: only to ensure that the circumstances of the exercise of war powers against a specifically-targeted U.S. citizen overseas do not call for the recognition of a new area of Bivens relief," the opinion states.
The Bivens case, as Politico's Josh Gerstein explains, "refer[s] to a line of cases discussing when courts should allow damage lawsuits against government officials."
"Permitting Plaintiffs to pursue a Bivens remedy under the circumstances of this case would impermissibly draw the Court into 'the heart of executive and military planning and deliberation,'" Collyer writes, "as the suit would require the Court to examine national security policy and the military chain of command as well as operational combat decisions regarding the designation of targets and how best to counter threats to the United States."
"Further, allowing Plaintiffs to bring a Bivens action against Defendants would hinder their ability in the future to act decisively and without hesitation in defense of U.S. interests," her opinion continues.
The ACLU and CCR issued statements denouncing the ruling.
"Judge Collyer effectively convicted Anwar Al-Aulaqi posthumously based on the government's own say-so, and found that the constitutional rights of 16-year-old Abdulrahman Al-Aulaqi and Samir Khan weren't violated because the government didn't target them," stated Maria LaHood, CCR Senior Attorney. "It seems there's no remedy if the government intended to kill you, and no remedy if it didn't. This decision is a true travesty of justice for our constitutional democracy, and for all victims of the U.S. government's unlawful killings."
Added Hina Shamsi, ACLU National Security Project Director and one of the attorneys who argued the case, "The court's view that it cannot provide a remedy for extrajudicial killings when the government claims to be at war, even far from any battlefield, is profoundly at odds with the Constitution. It is precisely when individual liberties are under such grave threat that we need the courts to act to defend them."
____________________
A US federal judge on Friday dismissed a lawsuit challenging the Obama administration's killing of three Americans in drone strokes, a decision slammed as "a true travesty of justice for our constitutional democracy."
The case was brought by the ACLU and the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) on behalf of family members of the victims killed in 2011 in Yemen: Anwar Al-Aulaqi, his 16-year-old son Abdulrahman, and Samir Khan.
The Obama administration admitted last year that it had killed the three, though the older Al-Aulaki, described as a senior AQAP leader and "intimately involved in detailed planning and putting in place plots against U.S. persons," was the only of the three that was "specifically targeted."
The rights groups had charged that Anwar Al-Aulaqi was put on the government's "kill list," and put there "without due process and without any effort to capture, arrest and try him." Khan was traveling in the same vehicle and was killed the attack that targeted Anwar Al-Aulaki. Abdulrahman Al-Aulaki was killed in a separate drone strike that targeted another individual weeks later.
In her ruling delivered Friday, U.S. District Court Judge Rosemary Collyer dismissed the challenge to the constitutionality of the killings.
The officials named as defendants in the suit, including then-Defense Secretary Leon Panetta, "cannot be held personally responsible in monetary damages for conducting war."
Though siding with the defendants, Collyer writes in her opinion: "The powers granted to the Executive and Congress to wage war and provide for national security does not give them carte blanche to deprive a U.S. citizen of his life without due process and without any judicial review."
Collyer states that the victims' Fourth Amendment rights were not violated because they were not "seized," they were killed, because "[u]nmanned drones are functionally incapable of 'seizing' a person; they are designed to kill, not capture."
The Fifth Amendment violation does not apply to the younger Al-Aulaki or Khan, as they were not deliberately targeted, she writes, explaining that it was "negligence" that they were harmed as bystanders. "Mere negligence does not give rise to a constitutional deprivation," she states in her opinion.
For Anwar Al-Aulaki's due process rights' violations, Collyer writes that "the Court finds no available remedy under U.S. law for this claim."
"In this delicate area of warmaking, national security, and foreign relations, the judiciary has an exceedingly limited role. This Court is not equipped to question, and does not make a finding concerning, Defendants' actions in dealing with AQAP generally or Anwar Al- Aulaqi in particular. Its role is much more modest: only to ensure that the circumstances of the exercise of war powers against a specifically-targeted U.S. citizen overseas do not call for the recognition of a new area of Bivens relief," the opinion states.
The Bivens case, as Politico's Josh Gerstein explains, "refer[s] to a line of cases discussing when courts should allow damage lawsuits against government officials."
"Permitting Plaintiffs to pursue a Bivens remedy under the circumstances of this case would impermissibly draw the Court into 'the heart of executive and military planning and deliberation,'" Collyer writes, "as the suit would require the Court to examine national security policy and the military chain of command as well as operational combat decisions regarding the designation of targets and how best to counter threats to the United States."
"Further, allowing Plaintiffs to bring a Bivens action against Defendants would hinder their ability in the future to act decisively and without hesitation in defense of U.S. interests," her opinion continues.
The ACLU and CCR issued statements denouncing the ruling.
"Judge Collyer effectively convicted Anwar Al-Aulaqi posthumously based on the government's own say-so, and found that the constitutional rights of 16-year-old Abdulrahman Al-Aulaqi and Samir Khan weren't violated because the government didn't target them," stated Maria LaHood, CCR Senior Attorney. "It seems there's no remedy if the government intended to kill you, and no remedy if it didn't. This decision is a true travesty of justice for our constitutional democracy, and for all victims of the U.S. government's unlawful killings."
Added Hina Shamsi, ACLU National Security Project Director and one of the attorneys who argued the case, "The court's view that it cannot provide a remedy for extrajudicial killings when the government claims to be at war, even far from any battlefield, is profoundly at odds with the Constitution. It is precisely when individual liberties are under such grave threat that we need the courts to act to defend them."
____________________