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An Extinction Rebellion climate activist blocks the Victoria Embankment in front of the Lord Mayor's Show during a Rise and Rebel protest organised to coincide with the end of, and anticipated failure of, the COP26 climate summit on 13th November 2021 in London, United Kingdom. (Photo: Mark Kerrison/In Pictures via Getty Images)
The pact creates a timeline to bring nations back to the table with higher commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, references the reduction of fossil fuels, and allocates more funding from developed nations to developing nations.
But, while those are worthwhile goals, the pact lacks an ambitious plan to reduce developed nations' emissions, fails to phase-out coal, and heel-drags on paying up owed funds.
With the focus on coal and natural gas, concerns loom that oil is not getting enough attention.
Though COP26 was promised to be the most inclusive climate negotiation ever, it ended up being the most exclusionary. One-third of Pacific island nations did not have any delegates in attendance due to travel restrictions, and many African nations did not have full representation citing visa issues. Overall, vaccine apartheid, visa troubles, and prohibitive costs prevented many delegates, journalists, and members of civil society from attending, disproportionately impacting representation from the Global South.
The delegates who were able to attend faced consistent pressure from activists on the streets of Glasgow. Two marches, Fridays for Future and the Global Day of Action, had much higher attendance than expected. Inside the COP26 meetings, delegates from the Global South and allied organizations kept the pressure on as well.

A protester speaks during the Friday for Futures rally.
The U.N.'s goal is to limit global warming to 1.5degC, a decision made in accordance with the science of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Now, as a part of the Glasgow Climate Pact, nations must commit to emissions reductions of 45 percent based on 2010 levels by 2030. But according to the Climate Action Tracker, current pledges have the world on track for 2.4degC of global warming.
While the announcements of the first week on methane and coal were welcome, the other fossil fuel--oil--needs to be addressed, too. On coal, while twenty-three countries committed to shutting down coal, of the five biggest coal producers--China, India, the United States, Australia, and Indonesia--only Indonesia signed on. Some have surmised that the United States did not sign on due to U.S. Senator Joe Manchin's machinations with regard to the Build Back Better Act currently winding its way through Congress.
The Glasgow Climate Pact specifically calls for "a phasedown of unabated coal and a phase-out of inefficient fossil fuel subsidies." In a high drama moment in the final hours of COP26, India called for the phrase "phase-out" of coal to be replaced with "phasedown."
Many nations around the world are already suffering the impacts of climate change and have been dealing with them for at least a decade. These impacts include drought in Kenya--with 2.1 million facing starvation right now, crops failing, and animals dying--as Elizabeth Wathuti shared in her opening day address. They also include rising sea levels, which threaten low-lying islands as delegates from the Maldives, the Marshall Islands, and Tuvalu repeatedly underscored.
Through the UNFCCC developing nations receive funding from developed nations for mitigation and adaptation, and the funds are supposed to be split evenly between the two. Mitigation refers to actions that reduce greenhouse gas emissions, for example, shifting to renewable energy. Currently, mitigation receives about 75 percent of the funds. Adaptation, which receives the other 25 percent of funds, refers to actions that respond to the effects of climate change, such as sea level rise and moving infrastructure or people inland.
Developing nations that produce negligible amounts of emissions but have already been disproportionately impacted by climate change are more in need of the adaptation funds in order to protect and save themselves. So developing nations, especially the G77+ China and the Alliance of Small Island States negotiating blocs, pushed hard to increase the contribution to adaptation. One positive outcome of COP26 is that adaptation funds will be doubled beginning in 2025.
Lastly, developing nations have been pushing for "loss and damage," or unforeseeable climate change impacts, to be included in the Glasgow Climate Pact. In an initial draft, a facility for loss and damage was going to be established. Foundations offered to contribute $3 billion to kick-start it. This facility was, however, later replaced with a "Glasgow Dialogue" to "discuss arrangements for funding." Delegates from the Global South, especially the G77+China and AOSIS, were fuming. They do not want to dialogue or discuss; they need to see developed nations take action.
While the removal of the facility for loss and damage irked most impacted developing nations, they plan to keep the pressure on. The historical responsibility for emitting lies with developed nations. While some countries call these climate reparations, the United States has explicitly expressed concern that it might expose the U.S. government and corporations to liabilities.
With the focus on coal and natural gas (via the methane pledge), concerns loom that oil is not getting enough attention. The biggest oil and gas producers are the United States, Saudi Arabia, Russia, and Canada, so tracking their movement toward winnowing down oil use is pivotal as well.
In sum, COP26 brought some movement but not enough. Activists and allied organizations are sure to keep pushing for substantial change. This decade is key. "We have exactly ninety-eight months to halve global emissions," Aminath Shauna, Environment Minister of the Maldives, said. "The difference between 1.5 and 2 degrees is a death sentence for us."
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Tina Gerhardt is an environmental journalist who covers international climate change negotiations, domestic and state energy policy and sea level rise. Her writing has been published in Common Dreams, Grist, The Nation, The Progressive, Sierra Magazine, and Washington Monthly. Her latest book is Sea Change: An Atlas of Islands in a Rising Ocean (University of California Press, 2023).
The pact creates a timeline to bring nations back to the table with higher commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, references the reduction of fossil fuels, and allocates more funding from developed nations to developing nations.
But, while those are worthwhile goals, the pact lacks an ambitious plan to reduce developed nations' emissions, fails to phase-out coal, and heel-drags on paying up owed funds.
With the focus on coal and natural gas, concerns loom that oil is not getting enough attention.
Though COP26 was promised to be the most inclusive climate negotiation ever, it ended up being the most exclusionary. One-third of Pacific island nations did not have any delegates in attendance due to travel restrictions, and many African nations did not have full representation citing visa issues. Overall, vaccine apartheid, visa troubles, and prohibitive costs prevented many delegates, journalists, and members of civil society from attending, disproportionately impacting representation from the Global South.
The delegates who were able to attend faced consistent pressure from activists on the streets of Glasgow. Two marches, Fridays for Future and the Global Day of Action, had much higher attendance than expected. Inside the COP26 meetings, delegates from the Global South and allied organizations kept the pressure on as well.

A protester speaks during the Friday for Futures rally.
The U.N.'s goal is to limit global warming to 1.5degC, a decision made in accordance with the science of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Now, as a part of the Glasgow Climate Pact, nations must commit to emissions reductions of 45 percent based on 2010 levels by 2030. But according to the Climate Action Tracker, current pledges have the world on track for 2.4degC of global warming.
While the announcements of the first week on methane and coal were welcome, the other fossil fuel--oil--needs to be addressed, too. On coal, while twenty-three countries committed to shutting down coal, of the five biggest coal producers--China, India, the United States, Australia, and Indonesia--only Indonesia signed on. Some have surmised that the United States did not sign on due to U.S. Senator Joe Manchin's machinations with regard to the Build Back Better Act currently winding its way through Congress.
The Glasgow Climate Pact specifically calls for "a phasedown of unabated coal and a phase-out of inefficient fossil fuel subsidies." In a high drama moment in the final hours of COP26, India called for the phrase "phase-out" of coal to be replaced with "phasedown."
Many nations around the world are already suffering the impacts of climate change and have been dealing with them for at least a decade. These impacts include drought in Kenya--with 2.1 million facing starvation right now, crops failing, and animals dying--as Elizabeth Wathuti shared in her opening day address. They also include rising sea levels, which threaten low-lying islands as delegates from the Maldives, the Marshall Islands, and Tuvalu repeatedly underscored.
Through the UNFCCC developing nations receive funding from developed nations for mitigation and adaptation, and the funds are supposed to be split evenly between the two. Mitigation refers to actions that reduce greenhouse gas emissions, for example, shifting to renewable energy. Currently, mitigation receives about 75 percent of the funds. Adaptation, which receives the other 25 percent of funds, refers to actions that respond to the effects of climate change, such as sea level rise and moving infrastructure or people inland.
Developing nations that produce negligible amounts of emissions but have already been disproportionately impacted by climate change are more in need of the adaptation funds in order to protect and save themselves. So developing nations, especially the G77+ China and the Alliance of Small Island States negotiating blocs, pushed hard to increase the contribution to adaptation. One positive outcome of COP26 is that adaptation funds will be doubled beginning in 2025.
Lastly, developing nations have been pushing for "loss and damage," or unforeseeable climate change impacts, to be included in the Glasgow Climate Pact. In an initial draft, a facility for loss and damage was going to be established. Foundations offered to contribute $3 billion to kick-start it. This facility was, however, later replaced with a "Glasgow Dialogue" to "discuss arrangements for funding." Delegates from the Global South, especially the G77+China and AOSIS, were fuming. They do not want to dialogue or discuss; they need to see developed nations take action.
While the removal of the facility for loss and damage irked most impacted developing nations, they plan to keep the pressure on. The historical responsibility for emitting lies with developed nations. While some countries call these climate reparations, the United States has explicitly expressed concern that it might expose the U.S. government and corporations to liabilities.
With the focus on coal and natural gas (via the methane pledge), concerns loom that oil is not getting enough attention. The biggest oil and gas producers are the United States, Saudi Arabia, Russia, and Canada, so tracking their movement toward winnowing down oil use is pivotal as well.
In sum, COP26 brought some movement but not enough. Activists and allied organizations are sure to keep pushing for substantial change. This decade is key. "We have exactly ninety-eight months to halve global emissions," Aminath Shauna, Environment Minister of the Maldives, said. "The difference between 1.5 and 2 degrees is a death sentence for us."
Tina Gerhardt is an environmental journalist who covers international climate change negotiations, domestic and state energy policy and sea level rise. Her writing has been published in Common Dreams, Grist, The Nation, The Progressive, Sierra Magazine, and Washington Monthly. Her latest book is Sea Change: An Atlas of Islands in a Rising Ocean (University of California Press, 2023).
The pact creates a timeline to bring nations back to the table with higher commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, references the reduction of fossil fuels, and allocates more funding from developed nations to developing nations.
But, while those are worthwhile goals, the pact lacks an ambitious plan to reduce developed nations' emissions, fails to phase-out coal, and heel-drags on paying up owed funds.
With the focus on coal and natural gas, concerns loom that oil is not getting enough attention.
Though COP26 was promised to be the most inclusive climate negotiation ever, it ended up being the most exclusionary. One-third of Pacific island nations did not have any delegates in attendance due to travel restrictions, and many African nations did not have full representation citing visa issues. Overall, vaccine apartheid, visa troubles, and prohibitive costs prevented many delegates, journalists, and members of civil society from attending, disproportionately impacting representation from the Global South.
The delegates who were able to attend faced consistent pressure from activists on the streets of Glasgow. Two marches, Fridays for Future and the Global Day of Action, had much higher attendance than expected. Inside the COP26 meetings, delegates from the Global South and allied organizations kept the pressure on as well.

A protester speaks during the Friday for Futures rally.
The U.N.'s goal is to limit global warming to 1.5degC, a decision made in accordance with the science of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Now, as a part of the Glasgow Climate Pact, nations must commit to emissions reductions of 45 percent based on 2010 levels by 2030. But according to the Climate Action Tracker, current pledges have the world on track for 2.4degC of global warming.
While the announcements of the first week on methane and coal were welcome, the other fossil fuel--oil--needs to be addressed, too. On coal, while twenty-three countries committed to shutting down coal, of the five biggest coal producers--China, India, the United States, Australia, and Indonesia--only Indonesia signed on. Some have surmised that the United States did not sign on due to U.S. Senator Joe Manchin's machinations with regard to the Build Back Better Act currently winding its way through Congress.
The Glasgow Climate Pact specifically calls for "a phasedown of unabated coal and a phase-out of inefficient fossil fuel subsidies." In a high drama moment in the final hours of COP26, India called for the phrase "phase-out" of coal to be replaced with "phasedown."
Many nations around the world are already suffering the impacts of climate change and have been dealing with them for at least a decade. These impacts include drought in Kenya--with 2.1 million facing starvation right now, crops failing, and animals dying--as Elizabeth Wathuti shared in her opening day address. They also include rising sea levels, which threaten low-lying islands as delegates from the Maldives, the Marshall Islands, and Tuvalu repeatedly underscored.
Through the UNFCCC developing nations receive funding from developed nations for mitigation and adaptation, and the funds are supposed to be split evenly between the two. Mitigation refers to actions that reduce greenhouse gas emissions, for example, shifting to renewable energy. Currently, mitigation receives about 75 percent of the funds. Adaptation, which receives the other 25 percent of funds, refers to actions that respond to the effects of climate change, such as sea level rise and moving infrastructure or people inland.
Developing nations that produce negligible amounts of emissions but have already been disproportionately impacted by climate change are more in need of the adaptation funds in order to protect and save themselves. So developing nations, especially the G77+ China and the Alliance of Small Island States negotiating blocs, pushed hard to increase the contribution to adaptation. One positive outcome of COP26 is that adaptation funds will be doubled beginning in 2025.
Lastly, developing nations have been pushing for "loss and damage," or unforeseeable climate change impacts, to be included in the Glasgow Climate Pact. In an initial draft, a facility for loss and damage was going to be established. Foundations offered to contribute $3 billion to kick-start it. This facility was, however, later replaced with a "Glasgow Dialogue" to "discuss arrangements for funding." Delegates from the Global South, especially the G77+China and AOSIS, were fuming. They do not want to dialogue or discuss; they need to see developed nations take action.
While the removal of the facility for loss and damage irked most impacted developing nations, they plan to keep the pressure on. The historical responsibility for emitting lies with developed nations. While some countries call these climate reparations, the United States has explicitly expressed concern that it might expose the U.S. government and corporations to liabilities.
With the focus on coal and natural gas (via the methane pledge), concerns loom that oil is not getting enough attention. The biggest oil and gas producers are the United States, Saudi Arabia, Russia, and Canada, so tracking their movement toward winnowing down oil use is pivotal as well.
In sum, COP26 brought some movement but not enough. Activists and allied organizations are sure to keep pushing for substantial change. This decade is key. "We have exactly ninety-eight months to halve global emissions," Aminath Shauna, Environment Minister of the Maldives, said. "The difference between 1.5 and 2 degrees is a death sentence for us."