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Tough talk, some about nukes, to the world by the US and Iran has taken many turns over the past three decades, with Iran most recently signing a good faith agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to allow inspectors broad access to its nuclear facilities. Signaling change, Iranian President Hassan Rouhani halted expansion of Iran's uranium enrichment capacity since his election three months ago, according to U.N. inspection reports. What has always been available are conflict management methods unexamined by our decision-makers.
In developing potential options for adversarial nations, the US government has the Joint Chiefs and Security Studies hawks on speed dial, with very few exceptions. The US stumbles into war after war, informed of the full range of options from A to B. Attack or do nothing. Demonstrate a resolve to kill or show cowardice. It's a wonder we haven't nuked Canada.
Sometimes--as we saw in the 1990s with killer sanctions on Iraq--certain sanctions are hardest on the most vulnerable, innocent children and other civilians. To a large measure, this is the case vis-a-vis Iran. Peace scholars have been pushing for alternative options with Iran, backed by hard data and decades of conflict management experience, since the inception of the conflict, remaining largely unnoticed under the cyclical escalation/de-escalation of war drumming from both sides of the aisle.
In the spirit of sharing what we've learned in our obscure field of Peace and Conflict Studies, let's think about some possible measures right now vis-a-vis Iran:
Most of these action items would be nonstarters, right? President Obama would never initiate any of them because, after all, the minority of Congress would howl and call him a treasonous coward. Congressional hawks would light up, hair on fire, bullhorns set on sonic warp kill. Peace-loving people would fear the dripping scorn.
If we continue to see the pusillanimity more afraid of kneejerks in Congress than of allowing Iran to either get nukes or get attacked, we will watch as helpless as Junebugs on our backs while we drift into an ever-uglier world with more nuclear weapons in more hands--or into a stupendously reckless war of grand bloodbath proportions with Iran, war that is completely avoidable. You do not need to conduct a multivariate regression analysis to know that successful negotiation requires both carrots and sticks. Hardliners are stuck on sticks, both violent and economic, and even low and no-cost carrots drive them 'round the bend.' Fine. Let them go. Constructive conflict management is the new realpolitik.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |

Tough talk, some about nukes, to the world by the US and Iran has taken many turns over the past three decades, with Iran most recently signing a good faith agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to allow inspectors broad access to its nuclear facilities. Signaling change, Iranian President Hassan Rouhani halted expansion of Iran's uranium enrichment capacity since his election three months ago, according to U.N. inspection reports. What has always been available are conflict management methods unexamined by our decision-makers.
In developing potential options for adversarial nations, the US government has the Joint Chiefs and Security Studies hawks on speed dial, with very few exceptions. The US stumbles into war after war, informed of the full range of options from A to B. Attack or do nothing. Demonstrate a resolve to kill or show cowardice. It's a wonder we haven't nuked Canada.
Sometimes--as we saw in the 1990s with killer sanctions on Iraq--certain sanctions are hardest on the most vulnerable, innocent children and other civilians. To a large measure, this is the case vis-a-vis Iran. Peace scholars have been pushing for alternative options with Iran, backed by hard data and decades of conflict management experience, since the inception of the conflict, remaining largely unnoticed under the cyclical escalation/de-escalation of war drumming from both sides of the aisle.
In the spirit of sharing what we've learned in our obscure field of Peace and Conflict Studies, let's think about some possible measures right now vis-a-vis Iran:
Most of these action items would be nonstarters, right? President Obama would never initiate any of them because, after all, the minority of Congress would howl and call him a treasonous coward. Congressional hawks would light up, hair on fire, bullhorns set on sonic warp kill. Peace-loving people would fear the dripping scorn.
If we continue to see the pusillanimity more afraid of kneejerks in Congress than of allowing Iran to either get nukes or get attacked, we will watch as helpless as Junebugs on our backs while we drift into an ever-uglier world with more nuclear weapons in more hands--or into a stupendously reckless war of grand bloodbath proportions with Iran, war that is completely avoidable. You do not need to conduct a multivariate regression analysis to know that successful negotiation requires both carrots and sticks. Hardliners are stuck on sticks, both violent and economic, and even low and no-cost carrots drive them 'round the bend.' Fine. Let them go. Constructive conflict management is the new realpolitik.

Tough talk, some about nukes, to the world by the US and Iran has taken many turns over the past three decades, with Iran most recently signing a good faith agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to allow inspectors broad access to its nuclear facilities. Signaling change, Iranian President Hassan Rouhani halted expansion of Iran's uranium enrichment capacity since his election three months ago, according to U.N. inspection reports. What has always been available are conflict management methods unexamined by our decision-makers.
In developing potential options for adversarial nations, the US government has the Joint Chiefs and Security Studies hawks on speed dial, with very few exceptions. The US stumbles into war after war, informed of the full range of options from A to B. Attack or do nothing. Demonstrate a resolve to kill or show cowardice. It's a wonder we haven't nuked Canada.
Sometimes--as we saw in the 1990s with killer sanctions on Iraq--certain sanctions are hardest on the most vulnerable, innocent children and other civilians. To a large measure, this is the case vis-a-vis Iran. Peace scholars have been pushing for alternative options with Iran, backed by hard data and decades of conflict management experience, since the inception of the conflict, remaining largely unnoticed under the cyclical escalation/de-escalation of war drumming from both sides of the aisle.
In the spirit of sharing what we've learned in our obscure field of Peace and Conflict Studies, let's think about some possible measures right now vis-a-vis Iran:
Most of these action items would be nonstarters, right? President Obama would never initiate any of them because, after all, the minority of Congress would howl and call him a treasonous coward. Congressional hawks would light up, hair on fire, bullhorns set on sonic warp kill. Peace-loving people would fear the dripping scorn.
If we continue to see the pusillanimity more afraid of kneejerks in Congress than of allowing Iran to either get nukes or get attacked, we will watch as helpless as Junebugs on our backs while we drift into an ever-uglier world with more nuclear weapons in more hands--or into a stupendously reckless war of grand bloodbath proportions with Iran, war that is completely avoidable. You do not need to conduct a multivariate regression analysis to know that successful negotiation requires both carrots and sticks. Hardliners are stuck on sticks, both violent and economic, and even low and no-cost carrots drive them 'round the bend.' Fine. Let them go. Constructive conflict management is the new realpolitik.