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Because of the extraordinary revelations last week by the Guardian, Congress and the American people now know that the Patriot Act is being used by the National Security Agency to collect the phone records of all Americans, every day. There's no more debate about whether the government, and the military at that, is spying on us: only whether Congress is going to stop them.
Because of the extraordinary revelations last week by the Guardian, Congress and the American people now know that the Patriot Act is being used by the National Security Agency to collect the phone records of all Americans, every day. There's no more debate about whether the government, and the military at that, is spying on us: only whether Congress is going to stop them.

But there's no reason to believe that the government's collection efforts stop there. Last year, there were 212 of these Section 215 orders so the full extent of the NSA's surveillance is still within the agency's black box. Some news reports say that these programs include financial data and email records too. This is entirely possible given the breadth of Section 215. The program's advocates claim that records do not implicate privacy and that the collection of "metadata" does not infringe on anyone's rights.
Nothing could be farther from the truth.
These records reflect who you know, what you do, and where you go. Furthermore, if metadata wasn't incredibly rich and revealing, the government wouldn't be collecting them at a breakneck pace. As mathematician and former Sun Microsystems engineer Susan Landau told the New Yorker's Jane Mayer, metadata is "much more intrusive than content."
The days of closed-door briefings and secret court orders are over on Capitol Hill. Congress must force public disclosure about what information the government is collecting on us, and what is done with it. The status quo has gotten us mass domestic surveillance and it is untenable, particularly if we are to remain a free society resting upon a foundation of individual rights. Ceding oversight and decision-making to the Intelligence committees has resulted in secret hearings to learn about secret court orders that authorize secret spying on Americans. The leaked court order contains no sources or methods, and it is now clear that secrecy serves not national security but protecting decision makers from their employers, the American people.
Oversight is an important step, but alone it is not enough to cage an out of control surveillance state. Some will undoubtedly argue that this sort of privacy invasion is okay as long as there are stronger reporting requirements or better internal guidelines. Regardless of how many branches of government have signed off, spying on Americans who aren't suspected of doing anything wrong is unconstitutional and a waste of resources. The administration has been very clear that until the statute is changed, this sort of suspicionless mass surveillance will continue and it appears the FISA court will continue to rubber stamp these orders without protecting our privacy. Therefore, it's time for Congress to clearly and unequivocally ban the practices in the law.
Don't be persuaded by arguments that there are simply no other ways to get the information. There are many ways for the government to obtain the records without the breadth and overreach of Section 215.
Of course, if you collect enough information you'll eventually catch someone doing something wrong, but we decided centuries ago that's not how our country operates. Our surveillance programs are completely out of balance and Congress needs to fix them. Otherwise, the Fourth Amendment will be a mere suggestion and we will have become a people who have sacrificed our essential liberty for, at best, a little temporary safety.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Because of the extraordinary revelations last week by the Guardian, Congress and the American people now know that the Patriot Act is being used by the National Security Agency to collect the phone records of all Americans, every day. There's no more debate about whether the government, and the military at that, is spying on us: only whether Congress is going to stop them.

But there's no reason to believe that the government's collection efforts stop there. Last year, there were 212 of these Section 215 orders so the full extent of the NSA's surveillance is still within the agency's black box. Some news reports say that these programs include financial data and email records too. This is entirely possible given the breadth of Section 215. The program's advocates claim that records do not implicate privacy and that the collection of "metadata" does not infringe on anyone's rights.
Nothing could be farther from the truth.
These records reflect who you know, what you do, and where you go. Furthermore, if metadata wasn't incredibly rich and revealing, the government wouldn't be collecting them at a breakneck pace. As mathematician and former Sun Microsystems engineer Susan Landau told the New Yorker's Jane Mayer, metadata is "much more intrusive than content."
The days of closed-door briefings and secret court orders are over on Capitol Hill. Congress must force public disclosure about what information the government is collecting on us, and what is done with it. The status quo has gotten us mass domestic surveillance and it is untenable, particularly if we are to remain a free society resting upon a foundation of individual rights. Ceding oversight and decision-making to the Intelligence committees has resulted in secret hearings to learn about secret court orders that authorize secret spying on Americans. The leaked court order contains no sources or methods, and it is now clear that secrecy serves not national security but protecting decision makers from their employers, the American people.
Oversight is an important step, but alone it is not enough to cage an out of control surveillance state. Some will undoubtedly argue that this sort of privacy invasion is okay as long as there are stronger reporting requirements or better internal guidelines. Regardless of how many branches of government have signed off, spying on Americans who aren't suspected of doing anything wrong is unconstitutional and a waste of resources. The administration has been very clear that until the statute is changed, this sort of suspicionless mass surveillance will continue and it appears the FISA court will continue to rubber stamp these orders without protecting our privacy. Therefore, it's time for Congress to clearly and unequivocally ban the practices in the law.
Don't be persuaded by arguments that there are simply no other ways to get the information. There are many ways for the government to obtain the records without the breadth and overreach of Section 215.
Of course, if you collect enough information you'll eventually catch someone doing something wrong, but we decided centuries ago that's not how our country operates. Our surveillance programs are completely out of balance and Congress needs to fix them. Otherwise, the Fourth Amendment will be a mere suggestion and we will have become a people who have sacrificed our essential liberty for, at best, a little temporary safety.
Because of the extraordinary revelations last week by the Guardian, Congress and the American people now know that the Patriot Act is being used by the National Security Agency to collect the phone records of all Americans, every day. There's no more debate about whether the government, and the military at that, is spying on us: only whether Congress is going to stop them.

But there's no reason to believe that the government's collection efforts stop there. Last year, there were 212 of these Section 215 orders so the full extent of the NSA's surveillance is still within the agency's black box. Some news reports say that these programs include financial data and email records too. This is entirely possible given the breadth of Section 215. The program's advocates claim that records do not implicate privacy and that the collection of "metadata" does not infringe on anyone's rights.
Nothing could be farther from the truth.
These records reflect who you know, what you do, and where you go. Furthermore, if metadata wasn't incredibly rich and revealing, the government wouldn't be collecting them at a breakneck pace. As mathematician and former Sun Microsystems engineer Susan Landau told the New Yorker's Jane Mayer, metadata is "much more intrusive than content."
The days of closed-door briefings and secret court orders are over on Capitol Hill. Congress must force public disclosure about what information the government is collecting on us, and what is done with it. The status quo has gotten us mass domestic surveillance and it is untenable, particularly if we are to remain a free society resting upon a foundation of individual rights. Ceding oversight and decision-making to the Intelligence committees has resulted in secret hearings to learn about secret court orders that authorize secret spying on Americans. The leaked court order contains no sources or methods, and it is now clear that secrecy serves not national security but protecting decision makers from their employers, the American people.
Oversight is an important step, but alone it is not enough to cage an out of control surveillance state. Some will undoubtedly argue that this sort of privacy invasion is okay as long as there are stronger reporting requirements or better internal guidelines. Regardless of how many branches of government have signed off, spying on Americans who aren't suspected of doing anything wrong is unconstitutional and a waste of resources. The administration has been very clear that until the statute is changed, this sort of suspicionless mass surveillance will continue and it appears the FISA court will continue to rubber stamp these orders without protecting our privacy. Therefore, it's time for Congress to clearly and unequivocally ban the practices in the law.
Don't be persuaded by arguments that there are simply no other ways to get the information. There are many ways for the government to obtain the records without the breadth and overreach of Section 215.
Of course, if you collect enough information you'll eventually catch someone doing something wrong, but we decided centuries ago that's not how our country operates. Our surveillance programs are completely out of balance and Congress needs to fix them. Otherwise, the Fourth Amendment will be a mere suggestion and we will have become a people who have sacrificed our essential liberty for, at best, a little temporary safety.