SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
The controversy surrounding California Republican gubernatorial nominee Meg Whitman's employment of Nicky Diaz Santillan, an unauthorized immigrant housekeeper, is the latest in what has become a staple of U.S. politics. Since the early 1990s, hardly a political season has gone by without the "outing" of a high-level candidate or nominee for privately employing the very "illegals" they publicly decry. And if one individual deserves credit for creating the climate that makes such exposes common and effective, it is Whitman's own campaign manager, former California governor Pete Wilson.
Wilson has long been involved in the ugly politics surrounding immigration policing and the U.S.-Mexico border. In 1977, for example, while mayor of San Diego, he publicly appealed to the Carter administration for federal help with the alleged economic and crime problems associated with the presence of undocumented migrants in the border city. Yet while he was mayor, he and his wife employed an unauthorized immigrant as their maid. And in the mid-1980s, then-U.S. Senator Wilson joined with other California politicians to call for the deployment of troops along the boundary to stymie drug smuggling, unauthorized entries, and potential terrorist attacks.
During this same period, however, Wilson was playing a different role. In 1983, the senator from California co-authored legislation that prohibited immigration authorities from raiding farm fields without a judge's warrant. This became part of the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 and effectively put a halt to farm checks. On numerous occasions, Wilson also pressured U.S. officials to stop workplace raids on California companies.
Despite such duplicity, Wilson played the anti-immigrant card in the early 1990s, and successfully energized his run for re-election as governor in the process. Wilson's efforts soon infected the national body politic as politicians from both major parties began to champion border enforcement to an increasingly anxious electorate receptive to scapegoating the poor, non-white, and "illegal" during a time of economic recession. It was in this context that scrutiny of high-level candidates' and nominees' hiring practices emerged, leading to the fall of Bill Clinton's first two nominees for attorney general.
It is both ironic and poetically just that Meg Whitman has fallen victim to the very seeds her campaign manager helped to sow-and that she has actively fertilized as a gubernatorial candidate. Like Wilson in the early 1990s, the billionaire businesswoman has made cracking down on undocumented immigrants, and making their lives in the Golden State ever more arduous, a centerpiece of her campaign.
But the outcome is also tragic in that it only serves to highlight the fundamentally dehumanizing nature of the immigration enforcement regime and the political opportunism that underlies it. Despite having characterized Nicky Diaz Santillan as part of her "extended family," Whitman has refused to say whether federal authorities should deport her, opining that it is a matter for them to decide.
In doing so, Whitman helps to legitimize a hardening apparatus of exclusion that saw almost 400,000 deportations-a record number-this past fiscal year. It is one that has divided hundreds of thousands of U.S. citizen children from one or more of their parents since the mid-1990s.
More broadly, Whitman's posturing-like that of Wilson almost 20 years ago-effectively denies the very humanity of her former housekeeper by embracing a politics that disallows "illegals" a right to work and live across national boundaries. They are rights that are even more necessary in a world of pervasive poverty, inequality and instability. In a world of myriad connections that transcend national boundaries, and make migration inevitable, the drawing of stark lines between "us" and "them" is an impossible undertaking.
After all, as even champions of policies and practices that vilify and hurt migrants such as Meg Whitman and Pete Wilson have shown in their best moments, so-called illegals are our neighbors, co-workers, friends, and family members. And they should be treated accordingly.
Dear Common Dreams reader, The U.S. is on a fast track to authoritarianism like nothing I've ever seen. Meanwhile, corporate news outlets are utterly capitulating to Trump, twisting their coverage to avoid drawing his ire while lining up to stuff cash in his pockets. That's why I believe that Common Dreams is doing the best and most consequential reporting that we've ever done. Our small but mighty team is a progressive reporting powerhouse, covering the news every day that the corporate media never will. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. And to ignite change for the common good. Now here's the key piece that I want all our readers to understand: None of this would be possible without your financial support. That's not just some fundraising cliche. It's the absolute and literal truth. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. Will you donate now to help power the nonprofit, independent reporting of Common Dreams? Thank you for being a vital member of our community. Together, we can keep independent journalism alive when it’s needed most. - Craig Brown, Co-founder |
The controversy surrounding California Republican gubernatorial nominee Meg Whitman's employment of Nicky Diaz Santillan, an unauthorized immigrant housekeeper, is the latest in what has become a staple of U.S. politics. Since the early 1990s, hardly a political season has gone by without the "outing" of a high-level candidate or nominee for privately employing the very "illegals" they publicly decry. And if one individual deserves credit for creating the climate that makes such exposes common and effective, it is Whitman's own campaign manager, former California governor Pete Wilson.
Wilson has long been involved in the ugly politics surrounding immigration policing and the U.S.-Mexico border. In 1977, for example, while mayor of San Diego, he publicly appealed to the Carter administration for federal help with the alleged economic and crime problems associated with the presence of undocumented migrants in the border city. Yet while he was mayor, he and his wife employed an unauthorized immigrant as their maid. And in the mid-1980s, then-U.S. Senator Wilson joined with other California politicians to call for the deployment of troops along the boundary to stymie drug smuggling, unauthorized entries, and potential terrorist attacks.
During this same period, however, Wilson was playing a different role. In 1983, the senator from California co-authored legislation that prohibited immigration authorities from raiding farm fields without a judge's warrant. This became part of the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 and effectively put a halt to farm checks. On numerous occasions, Wilson also pressured U.S. officials to stop workplace raids on California companies.
Despite such duplicity, Wilson played the anti-immigrant card in the early 1990s, and successfully energized his run for re-election as governor in the process. Wilson's efforts soon infected the national body politic as politicians from both major parties began to champion border enforcement to an increasingly anxious electorate receptive to scapegoating the poor, non-white, and "illegal" during a time of economic recession. It was in this context that scrutiny of high-level candidates' and nominees' hiring practices emerged, leading to the fall of Bill Clinton's first two nominees for attorney general.
It is both ironic and poetically just that Meg Whitman has fallen victim to the very seeds her campaign manager helped to sow-and that she has actively fertilized as a gubernatorial candidate. Like Wilson in the early 1990s, the billionaire businesswoman has made cracking down on undocumented immigrants, and making their lives in the Golden State ever more arduous, a centerpiece of her campaign.
But the outcome is also tragic in that it only serves to highlight the fundamentally dehumanizing nature of the immigration enforcement regime and the political opportunism that underlies it. Despite having characterized Nicky Diaz Santillan as part of her "extended family," Whitman has refused to say whether federal authorities should deport her, opining that it is a matter for them to decide.
In doing so, Whitman helps to legitimize a hardening apparatus of exclusion that saw almost 400,000 deportations-a record number-this past fiscal year. It is one that has divided hundreds of thousands of U.S. citizen children from one or more of their parents since the mid-1990s.
More broadly, Whitman's posturing-like that of Wilson almost 20 years ago-effectively denies the very humanity of her former housekeeper by embracing a politics that disallows "illegals" a right to work and live across national boundaries. They are rights that are even more necessary in a world of pervasive poverty, inequality and instability. In a world of myriad connections that transcend national boundaries, and make migration inevitable, the drawing of stark lines between "us" and "them" is an impossible undertaking.
After all, as even champions of policies and practices that vilify and hurt migrants such as Meg Whitman and Pete Wilson have shown in their best moments, so-called illegals are our neighbors, co-workers, friends, and family members. And they should be treated accordingly.
The controversy surrounding California Republican gubernatorial nominee Meg Whitman's employment of Nicky Diaz Santillan, an unauthorized immigrant housekeeper, is the latest in what has become a staple of U.S. politics. Since the early 1990s, hardly a political season has gone by without the "outing" of a high-level candidate or nominee for privately employing the very "illegals" they publicly decry. And if one individual deserves credit for creating the climate that makes such exposes common and effective, it is Whitman's own campaign manager, former California governor Pete Wilson.
Wilson has long been involved in the ugly politics surrounding immigration policing and the U.S.-Mexico border. In 1977, for example, while mayor of San Diego, he publicly appealed to the Carter administration for federal help with the alleged economic and crime problems associated with the presence of undocumented migrants in the border city. Yet while he was mayor, he and his wife employed an unauthorized immigrant as their maid. And in the mid-1980s, then-U.S. Senator Wilson joined with other California politicians to call for the deployment of troops along the boundary to stymie drug smuggling, unauthorized entries, and potential terrorist attacks.
During this same period, however, Wilson was playing a different role. In 1983, the senator from California co-authored legislation that prohibited immigration authorities from raiding farm fields without a judge's warrant. This became part of the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 and effectively put a halt to farm checks. On numerous occasions, Wilson also pressured U.S. officials to stop workplace raids on California companies.
Despite such duplicity, Wilson played the anti-immigrant card in the early 1990s, and successfully energized his run for re-election as governor in the process. Wilson's efforts soon infected the national body politic as politicians from both major parties began to champion border enforcement to an increasingly anxious electorate receptive to scapegoating the poor, non-white, and "illegal" during a time of economic recession. It was in this context that scrutiny of high-level candidates' and nominees' hiring practices emerged, leading to the fall of Bill Clinton's first two nominees for attorney general.
It is both ironic and poetically just that Meg Whitman has fallen victim to the very seeds her campaign manager helped to sow-and that she has actively fertilized as a gubernatorial candidate. Like Wilson in the early 1990s, the billionaire businesswoman has made cracking down on undocumented immigrants, and making their lives in the Golden State ever more arduous, a centerpiece of her campaign.
But the outcome is also tragic in that it only serves to highlight the fundamentally dehumanizing nature of the immigration enforcement regime and the political opportunism that underlies it. Despite having characterized Nicky Diaz Santillan as part of her "extended family," Whitman has refused to say whether federal authorities should deport her, opining that it is a matter for them to decide.
In doing so, Whitman helps to legitimize a hardening apparatus of exclusion that saw almost 400,000 deportations-a record number-this past fiscal year. It is one that has divided hundreds of thousands of U.S. citizen children from one or more of their parents since the mid-1990s.
More broadly, Whitman's posturing-like that of Wilson almost 20 years ago-effectively denies the very humanity of her former housekeeper by embracing a politics that disallows "illegals" a right to work and live across national boundaries. They are rights that are even more necessary in a world of pervasive poverty, inequality and instability. In a world of myriad connections that transcend national boundaries, and make migration inevitable, the drawing of stark lines between "us" and "them" is an impossible undertaking.
After all, as even champions of policies and practices that vilify and hurt migrants such as Meg Whitman and Pete Wilson have shown in their best moments, so-called illegals are our neighbors, co-workers, friends, and family members. And they should be treated accordingly.