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In a
congressional hearing room on Thursday, former Fed Chairman Alan
Greenspan, one of the most influential civil servants of the past
century, saw his stock plummet--and his entire career lose its moorings.
More important, the ideological battle over economic theory and the
role of government in markets--a fight that has played out in the
current presidential campaign--took a historic turn.
With
members of the House oversight and government reform committee blasting
Greenspan for his past decisions that helped pave the way for the
current financial crisis, he acknowledged that his libertarian view of
markets and the financial world had not worked out so well. "You know,"
he told the legislators, "that's precisely the reason I was shocked,
because I have been going for 40 years or more with very considerable
evidence that it was working exceptionally well." While Greenspan did
defend his various decisions, he admitted that his faith in the ability
of free and loosely-regulated markets to produce the best outcomes had
been shaken: "I made a mistake in presuming that the self-interests of
organizations, specifically banks and others, were such as that they
were best capable of protecting their own shareholders and their equity
in the firms."
In other words, whoops--there goes decades of Ayn Rand down the drain.
Democrats on the
committee made Greenspan eat ideological crow. And after the hearing,
Democratic Senator Dianne Feinstein of California released letters
Greenspan had written to legislators in 2002 and 2003 that now cast the
former chief banker as out of touch with financial reality.
Back then,
Feinstein was pushing for regulating financial instruments known as
derivatives--particularly those called swaps. In 2000, Republican
Senator Phil Gramm, then the chairman of the Senate banking committee,
had used a sly legislative maneuver to pass a bill keeping swaps free
from federal regulation. (Lobbyists for financial firms had helped to
write the bill.) The swaps market subsequently exploded, as financial
firms bought and sold swaps as insurance to cover their trading in
subprime securities and other freewheeling financial products. In a
nutshell: the rise of unregulated swaps enabled the growth of the shaky
subprime securities at the heart of the current financial crisis.
Greenspan was an ardent supporter of keeping swaps virtually
unregulated.
In 2001, Enron,
having gone crazy with energy derivatives, collapsed--after the firm had
manipulated the California electricity market, costing residents of
Feinstein's states billions of dollars. Following that fiasco,
Feinstein decided the derivatives market needed to be reined in. As The Wall Street Journal
reported in 2004, "When she telephoned Mr. Greenspan for support, he
declined, telling her the proposal threatened the multitrillion dollar
derivatives industry, which he considers an important stabilizing force
that diffuses financial risk."
In September
2002, Greenspan, Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill, Securities and
Exchange Commission chairman Harvey Pitt, and Commodity Futures Trading
Commission chairman James Newsome wrote a letter to members of Congress
to note their opposition to legislation that would regulate
derivatives. They wrote:
We
believe that the [over-the-counter] derivatives markets in question
have been a major contributor to our economy's ability to respond to
the stresses and challenges of the last two years. This proposal would
limit this contribution, thereby increasing the vulnerability of our
economy to potential future stresses....
We
do not believe a public policy case exists to justify this governmental
intervention. The OTC markets trade a wide variety of instruments. Many
of these are idiosyncratic in nature....
While
the derivatives markets may seem far removed from the interests and
concerns of consumers, the efficiency gains that these markets have
fostered are enormously important to consumers and to our economy.
Greenspan and
the others urged Congress "to be aware of the potential unintended
consequences" of legislation to regulate derivatives.
They got it exactly wrong. Swaps and derivatives ended up undermining, not bolstering, the economy.
Feinstein was
not convinced by Greenspan's argument, and she continued to press for
legislation to regulate swaps. And Greenspan continued to resist. In a
June 11, 2003 letter--also signed by the new Treasury secretary. John
Snow, the new SEC chairman, William Donaldson, and CFTC chairman
Newsome--Greenspan praised derivatives and called them an essential part
of the economy:
Businesss,
financial institutions, and investors throughout the economy rely upon
derivatives to protect themselves from market volatility triggered by
unexpected economic events. This ability to manage risks makes the
economy more resilient and its importance cannot be underestimated. In
our judgment, the ability of private counterparty surveillance to
effectively regulate these markets can be undermined by inappropriate
extensions of government regulations.
They were
asserting that government regulation undercuts market-driven
self-regulation. But as events have demonstrated, unregulated swaps did
not protect Big Finance firms; they weakened the entire financial
industry in the United States and overseas.
In a November 5,
2003 letter, signed only by Greenspan, the Fed chair again took a shot
at Feinstein's proposal to control derivatives. He noted that "enhanced
market discipline" would address concerns about the manipulation of
markets.
Before the
oversight committee, Greenspan said that he had been "partially" wrong
to believe that swaps did not need regulation. But he did seek cover by
claiming he had not been alone in screwing up: "The Federal Reserve had
as good an economic organization as exists. If all those
extraordinarily capable people were unable to foresee the development
of this critical problem...we have to ask ourselves: Why is that? And
the answer is that we're not smart enough as people. We just cannot see
events that far in advance."
But not everyone
got it wrong. In the late 1990s, regulators at the CFTC wanted to
regulate swaps. Gramm, Greenspan and others--including senior members of
the Clinton administration--did not. Following the Enron debacle,
Feinstein took a run at this. But Greenspan and Bush administration
officials said no. And it was not an issue of smarts; it was a matter
of ideology.
In fact, it was
always a matter of ideology for Greenspan, a libertarian champion. In
1963, writing in Rand's "Objectivist" newsletter, he noted, "It is in
the self-interest of every businessman to have a reputation for honest
dealings and a quality product." Regulation, he maintained, undermines
this "superlatively moral system." Self-governance by choice, he said,
would be more effective than governance through government. Regulation,
Greenspan maintained, was the enemy of freedom: "At the bottom of the
endless pile of paper work which characterizes all regulation lies a
gun."
Well, it turns
out that at the bottom of the system that Greenspan oversaw for years,
there was nothing but a pile of bad paper. And testifying to the House
oversight committee, Greenspan, one of the more ideological Washington
players of the past few decades, essentially said that Ayn Randism had
let him--and the entire world--down. It was truly a God that failed.
David Corn is Mother Jones' Washington bureau chief.
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In a
congressional hearing room on Thursday, former Fed Chairman Alan
Greenspan, one of the most influential civil servants of the past
century, saw his stock plummet--and his entire career lose its moorings.
More important, the ideological battle over economic theory and the
role of government in markets--a fight that has played out in the
current presidential campaign--took a historic turn.
With
members of the House oversight and government reform committee blasting
Greenspan for his past decisions that helped pave the way for the
current financial crisis, he acknowledged that his libertarian view of
markets and the financial world had not worked out so well. "You know,"
he told the legislators, "that's precisely the reason I was shocked,
because I have been going for 40 years or more with very considerable
evidence that it was working exceptionally well." While Greenspan did
defend his various decisions, he admitted that his faith in the ability
of free and loosely-regulated markets to produce the best outcomes had
been shaken: "I made a mistake in presuming that the self-interests of
organizations, specifically banks and others, were such as that they
were best capable of protecting their own shareholders and their equity
in the firms."
In other words, whoops--there goes decades of Ayn Rand down the drain.
Democrats on the
committee made Greenspan eat ideological crow. And after the hearing,
Democratic Senator Dianne Feinstein of California released letters
Greenspan had written to legislators in 2002 and 2003 that now cast the
former chief banker as out of touch with financial reality.
Back then,
Feinstein was pushing for regulating financial instruments known as
derivatives--particularly those called swaps. In 2000, Republican
Senator Phil Gramm, then the chairman of the Senate banking committee,
had used a sly legislative maneuver to pass a bill keeping swaps free
from federal regulation. (Lobbyists for financial firms had helped to
write the bill.) The swaps market subsequently exploded, as financial
firms bought and sold swaps as insurance to cover their trading in
subprime securities and other freewheeling financial products. In a
nutshell: the rise of unregulated swaps enabled the growth of the shaky
subprime securities at the heart of the current financial crisis.
Greenspan was an ardent supporter of keeping swaps virtually
unregulated.
In 2001, Enron,
having gone crazy with energy derivatives, collapsed--after the firm had
manipulated the California electricity market, costing residents of
Feinstein's states billions of dollars. Following that fiasco,
Feinstein decided the derivatives market needed to be reined in. As The Wall Street Journal
reported in 2004, "When she telephoned Mr. Greenspan for support, he
declined, telling her the proposal threatened the multitrillion dollar
derivatives industry, which he considers an important stabilizing force
that diffuses financial risk."
In September
2002, Greenspan, Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill, Securities and
Exchange Commission chairman Harvey Pitt, and Commodity Futures Trading
Commission chairman James Newsome wrote a letter to members of Congress
to note their opposition to legislation that would regulate
derivatives. They wrote:
We
believe that the [over-the-counter] derivatives markets in question
have been a major contributor to our economy's ability to respond to
the stresses and challenges of the last two years. This proposal would
limit this contribution, thereby increasing the vulnerability of our
economy to potential future stresses....
We
do not believe a public policy case exists to justify this governmental
intervention. The OTC markets trade a wide variety of instruments. Many
of these are idiosyncratic in nature....
While
the derivatives markets may seem far removed from the interests and
concerns of consumers, the efficiency gains that these markets have
fostered are enormously important to consumers and to our economy.
Greenspan and
the others urged Congress "to be aware of the potential unintended
consequences" of legislation to regulate derivatives.
They got it exactly wrong. Swaps and derivatives ended up undermining, not bolstering, the economy.
Feinstein was
not convinced by Greenspan's argument, and she continued to press for
legislation to regulate swaps. And Greenspan continued to resist. In a
June 11, 2003 letter--also signed by the new Treasury secretary. John
Snow, the new SEC chairman, William Donaldson, and CFTC chairman
Newsome--Greenspan praised derivatives and called them an essential part
of the economy:
Businesss,
financial institutions, and investors throughout the economy rely upon
derivatives to protect themselves from market volatility triggered by
unexpected economic events. This ability to manage risks makes the
economy more resilient and its importance cannot be underestimated. In
our judgment, the ability of private counterparty surveillance to
effectively regulate these markets can be undermined by inappropriate
extensions of government regulations.
They were
asserting that government regulation undercuts market-driven
self-regulation. But as events have demonstrated, unregulated swaps did
not protect Big Finance firms; they weakened the entire financial
industry in the United States and overseas.
In a November 5,
2003 letter, signed only by Greenspan, the Fed chair again took a shot
at Feinstein's proposal to control derivatives. He noted that "enhanced
market discipline" would address concerns about the manipulation of
markets.
Before the
oversight committee, Greenspan said that he had been "partially" wrong
to believe that swaps did not need regulation. But he did seek cover by
claiming he had not been alone in screwing up: "The Federal Reserve had
as good an economic organization as exists. If all those
extraordinarily capable people were unable to foresee the development
of this critical problem...we have to ask ourselves: Why is that? And
the answer is that we're not smart enough as people. We just cannot see
events that far in advance."
But not everyone
got it wrong. In the late 1990s, regulators at the CFTC wanted to
regulate swaps. Gramm, Greenspan and others--including senior members of
the Clinton administration--did not. Following the Enron debacle,
Feinstein took a run at this. But Greenspan and Bush administration
officials said no. And it was not an issue of smarts; it was a matter
of ideology.
In fact, it was
always a matter of ideology for Greenspan, a libertarian champion. In
1963, writing in Rand's "Objectivist" newsletter, he noted, "It is in
the self-interest of every businessman to have a reputation for honest
dealings and a quality product." Regulation, he maintained, undermines
this "superlatively moral system." Self-governance by choice, he said,
would be more effective than governance through government. Regulation,
Greenspan maintained, was the enemy of freedom: "At the bottom of the
endless pile of paper work which characterizes all regulation lies a
gun."
Well, it turns
out that at the bottom of the system that Greenspan oversaw for years,
there was nothing but a pile of bad paper. And testifying to the House
oversight committee, Greenspan, one of the more ideological Washington
players of the past few decades, essentially said that Ayn Randism had
let him--and the entire world--down. It was truly a God that failed.
David Corn is Mother Jones' Washington bureau chief.
In a
congressional hearing room on Thursday, former Fed Chairman Alan
Greenspan, one of the most influential civil servants of the past
century, saw his stock plummet--and his entire career lose its moorings.
More important, the ideological battle over economic theory and the
role of government in markets--a fight that has played out in the
current presidential campaign--took a historic turn.
With
members of the House oversight and government reform committee blasting
Greenspan for his past decisions that helped pave the way for the
current financial crisis, he acknowledged that his libertarian view of
markets and the financial world had not worked out so well. "You know,"
he told the legislators, "that's precisely the reason I was shocked,
because I have been going for 40 years or more with very considerable
evidence that it was working exceptionally well." While Greenspan did
defend his various decisions, he admitted that his faith in the ability
of free and loosely-regulated markets to produce the best outcomes had
been shaken: "I made a mistake in presuming that the self-interests of
organizations, specifically banks and others, were such as that they
were best capable of protecting their own shareholders and their equity
in the firms."
In other words, whoops--there goes decades of Ayn Rand down the drain.
Democrats on the
committee made Greenspan eat ideological crow. And after the hearing,
Democratic Senator Dianne Feinstein of California released letters
Greenspan had written to legislators in 2002 and 2003 that now cast the
former chief banker as out of touch with financial reality.
Back then,
Feinstein was pushing for regulating financial instruments known as
derivatives--particularly those called swaps. In 2000, Republican
Senator Phil Gramm, then the chairman of the Senate banking committee,
had used a sly legislative maneuver to pass a bill keeping swaps free
from federal regulation. (Lobbyists for financial firms had helped to
write the bill.) The swaps market subsequently exploded, as financial
firms bought and sold swaps as insurance to cover their trading in
subprime securities and other freewheeling financial products. In a
nutshell: the rise of unregulated swaps enabled the growth of the shaky
subprime securities at the heart of the current financial crisis.
Greenspan was an ardent supporter of keeping swaps virtually
unregulated.
In 2001, Enron,
having gone crazy with energy derivatives, collapsed--after the firm had
manipulated the California electricity market, costing residents of
Feinstein's states billions of dollars. Following that fiasco,
Feinstein decided the derivatives market needed to be reined in. As The Wall Street Journal
reported in 2004, "When she telephoned Mr. Greenspan for support, he
declined, telling her the proposal threatened the multitrillion dollar
derivatives industry, which he considers an important stabilizing force
that diffuses financial risk."
In September
2002, Greenspan, Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill, Securities and
Exchange Commission chairman Harvey Pitt, and Commodity Futures Trading
Commission chairman James Newsome wrote a letter to members of Congress
to note their opposition to legislation that would regulate
derivatives. They wrote:
We
believe that the [over-the-counter] derivatives markets in question
have been a major contributor to our economy's ability to respond to
the stresses and challenges of the last two years. This proposal would
limit this contribution, thereby increasing the vulnerability of our
economy to potential future stresses....
We
do not believe a public policy case exists to justify this governmental
intervention. The OTC markets trade a wide variety of instruments. Many
of these are idiosyncratic in nature....
While
the derivatives markets may seem far removed from the interests and
concerns of consumers, the efficiency gains that these markets have
fostered are enormously important to consumers and to our economy.
Greenspan and
the others urged Congress "to be aware of the potential unintended
consequences" of legislation to regulate derivatives.
They got it exactly wrong. Swaps and derivatives ended up undermining, not bolstering, the economy.
Feinstein was
not convinced by Greenspan's argument, and she continued to press for
legislation to regulate swaps. And Greenspan continued to resist. In a
June 11, 2003 letter--also signed by the new Treasury secretary. John
Snow, the new SEC chairman, William Donaldson, and CFTC chairman
Newsome--Greenspan praised derivatives and called them an essential part
of the economy:
Businesss,
financial institutions, and investors throughout the economy rely upon
derivatives to protect themselves from market volatility triggered by
unexpected economic events. This ability to manage risks makes the
economy more resilient and its importance cannot be underestimated. In
our judgment, the ability of private counterparty surveillance to
effectively regulate these markets can be undermined by inappropriate
extensions of government regulations.
They were
asserting that government regulation undercuts market-driven
self-regulation. But as events have demonstrated, unregulated swaps did
not protect Big Finance firms; they weakened the entire financial
industry in the United States and overseas.
In a November 5,
2003 letter, signed only by Greenspan, the Fed chair again took a shot
at Feinstein's proposal to control derivatives. He noted that "enhanced
market discipline" would address concerns about the manipulation of
markets.
Before the
oversight committee, Greenspan said that he had been "partially" wrong
to believe that swaps did not need regulation. But he did seek cover by
claiming he had not been alone in screwing up: "The Federal Reserve had
as good an economic organization as exists. If all those
extraordinarily capable people were unable to foresee the development
of this critical problem...we have to ask ourselves: Why is that? And
the answer is that we're not smart enough as people. We just cannot see
events that far in advance."
But not everyone
got it wrong. In the late 1990s, regulators at the CFTC wanted to
regulate swaps. Gramm, Greenspan and others--including senior members of
the Clinton administration--did not. Following the Enron debacle,
Feinstein took a run at this. But Greenspan and Bush administration
officials said no. And it was not an issue of smarts; it was a matter
of ideology.
In fact, it was
always a matter of ideology for Greenspan, a libertarian champion. In
1963, writing in Rand's "Objectivist" newsletter, he noted, "It is in
the self-interest of every businessman to have a reputation for honest
dealings and a quality product." Regulation, he maintained, undermines
this "superlatively moral system." Self-governance by choice, he said,
would be more effective than governance through government. Regulation,
Greenspan maintained, was the enemy of freedom: "At the bottom of the
endless pile of paper work which characterizes all regulation lies a
gun."
Well, it turns
out that at the bottom of the system that Greenspan oversaw for years,
there was nothing but a pile of bad paper. And testifying to the House
oversight committee, Greenspan, one of the more ideological Washington
players of the past few decades, essentially said that Ayn Randism had
let him--and the entire world--down. It was truly a God that failed.
David Corn is Mother Jones' Washington bureau chief.
One critic accused the president of "testing the limits of his power, hoping to intimidate other cities into submission to his every vengeful whim."
The Trump administration's military occupation of Washington, D.C. is expected to expand, a White House official said Wednesday, with President Donald Trump also saying he will ask Congress to approve a "long-term" extension of federal control over local police in the nation's capital.
The unnamed Trump official told CNN that a "significantly higher" number of National Guard troops are expected on the ground in Washington later Wednesday to support law enforcement patrols in the city.
"The National Guard is not arresting people," the official said, adding that troops are tasked with creating "a safe environment" for the hundreds of federal officers and agents from over a dozen agencies who are fanning out across the city over the strong objection of local officials.
Trump dubiously declared a public safety emergency Monday in order to take control of Washington police under Section 740 of the District of Columbia Self-Government and Governmental Reorganization Act. The president said Wednesday that he would ask the Republican-controlled Congress to authorize an extension of his federal takeover of local police beyond the 30 days allowed under Section 740.
"Already they're saying, 'He's a dictator,'" Trump said of his critics during remarks at the Kennedy Center in Washington. "The place is going to hell. We've got to stop it. So instead of saying, 'He's a dictator,' they should say, 'We're going to join him and make Washington safe.'"
According to official statistics, violent crime in Washington is down 26% from a year ago, when it was at its second-lowest level since 1966,
House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) and Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) have both expressed support for Trump's actions. However, any legislation authorizing an extension of federal control over local police would face an uphill battle in the Senate, where Democratic lawmakers can employ procedural rules to block the majority's effort.
Trump also said any congressional authorization could open the door to targeting other cities in his crosshairs, including Baltimore, Chicago, Los Angeles, New York, and Oakland. Official statistics show violent crime trending downward in all of those cities—with some registering historically low levels.
While some critics have called Trump's actions in Washington a distraction from his administration's mishandling of the Jeffrey Epstein scandal, others say his occupation of the nation's capital is a test case to see what he can get away with in other cities.
Kat Abughazaleh, a Democratic candidate for Congress in Illinois, said Monday that the president's D.C. takeover "is another telltale sign of his authoritarian ambitions."
Some opponents also said Trump's actions are intended to intimidate Democrat-controlled cities, pointing to his June order to deploy thousands of National Guard troops to Los Angeles in response to protests against his administration's mass deportation campaign.
Testifying Wednesday at a San Francisco trial to determine whether Trump violated the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878—which generally prohibits use of the military for domestic law enforcement—by sending troops to Los Angeles, California Deputy Attorney General Meghan Strong argued that the president wanted to "strike fear into the hearts of Californians."
Roosevelt University political science professor and Newsweek contributor David Faris wrote Wednesday that "deploying the National Guard to Washington, D.C. is an unconscionable abuse of federal power and another worrisome signpost on our road to autocracy."
"Using the military to bring big, blue cities to heel, exactly as 'alarmists' predicted during the 2024 campaign, isn't about a crisis in D.C.—violent crime is actually at a 30-year low," he added. "President Trump is, once again, testing the limits of his power, hoping to intimidate other cities into submission to his every vengeful whim by making the once unimaginable—an American tyrant ordering a military occupation of our own capital—a terrifying reality."
"Underneath shiny motherhood medals and promises of baby bonuses is a movement intent on elevating white supremacist ideology and forcing women out of the workplace," said one advocate.
The Trump administration's push for Americans to have more children has been well documented, from Vice President JD Vance's insults aimed at "childless cat ladies" to officials' meetings with "pronatalist" advocates who want to boost U.S. birth rates, which have been declining since 2007.
But a report released by the National Women's Law Center (NWLC) on Wednesday details how the methods the White House have reportedly considered to convince Americans to procreate moremay be described by the far right as "pro-family," but are actually being pushed by a eugenicist, misogynist movement that has little interest in making it any easier to raise a family in the United States.
The proposals include bestowing a "National Medal of Motherhood" on women who have more than six children, giving a $5,000 "baby bonus" to new parents, and prioritizing federal projects in areas with high birth rates.
"Underneath shiny motherhood medals and promises of baby bonuses is a movement intent on elevating white supremacist ideology and forcing women out of the workplace," said Emily Martin, chief program officer of the National Women's Law Center.
The report describes how "Silicon Valley tech elites" and traditional conservatives who oppose abortion rights and even a woman's right to work outside the home have converged to push for "preserving the traditional family structure while encouraging women to have a lot of children."
With pronatalists often referring to "declining genetic quality" in the U.S. and promoting the idea that Americans must produce "good quality children," in the words of evolutionary psychologist Diana Fleischman, the pronatalist movement "is built on racist, sexist, and anti-immigrant ideologies."
If conservatives are concerned about population loss in the U.S., the report points out, they would "make it easier for immigrants to come to the United States to live and work. More immigrants mean more workers, which would address some of the economic concerns raised by declining birth rates."
But pronatalists "only want to see certain populations increase (i.e., white people), and there are many immigrants who don't fit into that narrow qualification."
The report, titled "Baby Bonuses and Motherhood Medals: Why We Shouldn't Trust the Pronatalist Movement," describes how President Donald Trump has enlisted a "pronatalist army" that's been instrumental both in pushing a virulently anti-immigrant, mass deportation agenda and in demanding that more straight couples should marry and have children, as the right-wing policy playbook Project 2025 demands.
Trump's former adviser and benefactor, billionaire tech mogul Elon Musk, has spoken frequently about the need to prevent a collapse of U.S. society and civilization by raising birth rates, and has pushed misinformation fearmongering about birth control.
Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy proposed rewarding areas with high birth rates by prioritizing infrastructure projects, and like Vance has lobbed insults at single women while also deriding the use of contraception.
The report was released days after CNN detailed the close ties the Trump administration has with self-described Christian nationalist pastor Doug Wilson, who heads the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches, preaches that women should not vote, and suggested in an interview with correspondent Pamela Brown that women's primary function is birthing children, saying they are "the kind of people that people come out of."
Wilson has ties to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, whose children attend schools founded by the pastor and who shared the video online with the tagline of Wilson's church, "All of Christ for All of Life."
But the NWLC noted, no amount of haranguing women over their relationship status, plans for childbearing, or insistence that they are primarily meant to stay at home with "four or five children," as Wilson said, can reverse the impact the Trump administration's policies have had on families.
"While the Trump administration claims to be pursuing a pro-baby agenda, their actions tell a different story," the report notes. "Rather than advancing policies that would actually support families—like lowering costs, expanding access to housing and food, or investing in child care—they've prioritized dismantling basic need supports, rolling back longstanding civil rights protections, and ripping away people's bodily autonomy."
The report was published weeks after Trump signed the One Big Beautiful Bill Act into law—making pregnancy more expensive and more dangerous for millions of low-income women by slashing Medicaid funding and "endangering the 42 million women and children" who rely on the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program for their daily meals.
While demanding that women have more children, said the NWLC, Trump has pushed an "anti-women, anti-family agenda."
Martin said that unlike the pronatalist movement, "a real pro-family agenda would include protecting reproductive healthcare, investing in childcare as a public good, promoting workplace policies that enable parents to succeed, and ensuring that all children have the resources that they need to thrive not just at birth, but throughout their lives."
"The administration's deep hostility toward these pro-family policies," said Martin, "tells you all that you need to know about pronatalists' true motives.”
A Center for Constitutional Rights lawyer called on Kathy Jennings to "use her power to stop this dangerous entity that is masquerading as a charitable organization while furthering death and violence in Gaza."
A leading U.S. legal advocacy group on Wednesday urged Delaware Attorney General Kathy Jennings to pursue revoking the corporate charter of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, whose aid distribution points in the embattled Palestinian enclave have been the sites of near-daily massacres in which thousands of Palestinians have reportedly been killed or wounded.
Last week, the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) urgently requested a meeting with Jennings, a Democrat, whom the group asserted has a legal obligation to file suit in the state's Chancery Court to seek revocation of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation's (GHF) charter because the purported charity "is complicit in war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide."
CCR said Wednesday that Jennings "has neither responded" to the group's request "nor publicly addressed the serious claims raised against the Delaware-registered entity."
"GHF woefully fails to adhere to fundamental humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence and has proven to be an opportunistic and obsequious entity masquerading as a humanitarian organization," CCR asserted. "Since the start of its operations in late May, at least 1,400 Palestinians have died seeking aid, with at least 859 killed at or near GHF sites, which it operates in close coordination with the Israeli government and U.S. private military contractors."
One of those contractors, former U.S. Army Green Beret Col. Anthony Aguilar, quit his job and blew the whistle on what he said he saw while working at GHF aid sites.
"What I saw on the sites, around the sites, to and from the sites, can be described as nothing but war crimes, crimes against humanity, violations of international law," Aguilar told Democracy Now! host Amy Goodman earlier this month. "This is not hyperbole. This is not platitudes or drama. This is the truth... The sites were designed to lure, bait aid, and kill."
Israel Defense Forces officers and soldiers have admitted to receiving orders to open fire on Palestinian aid-seekers with live bullets and artillery rounds, even when the civilians posed no security threat.
"It is against this backdrop that [President Donald] Trump's State Department approved a $30 million United States Agency for International Development grant for GHF," CCR noted. "In so doing, the State Department exempted it from the audit usually required for new USAID grantees."
"It also waived mandatory counterterrorism and anti-fraud safeguards and overrode vetting mechanisms, including 58 internal objections to GHF's application," the group added. "The Center for Constitutional Rights has submitted a [Freedom of Information Act] request seeking information on the administration's funding of GHF."
CCR continued:
The letter to Jennings opens a new front in the effort to hold GHF accountable. The Center for Constitutional Rights letter provides extensive evidence that, far from alleviating suffering in Gaza, GHF is contributing to the forced displacement, illegal killing, and genocide of Palestinians, while serving as a fig leaf for Israel's continued denial of access to food and water. Given this, Jennings has not only the authority, but the obligation to investigate GHF to determine if it abused its charter by engaging in unlawful activity. She may then file suit with the Court of Chancery, which has the authority to revoke GHF's charter.
CCR's August 5 letter notes that Jennings has previously exercised such authority. In 2019, she filed suit to dissolve shell companies affiliated with former Trump campaign officials Paul Manafort and Richard Gates after they pleaded guilty to money laundering and other crimes.
"Attorney General Jennings has the power to significantly change the course of history and save lives by taking action to dissolve GHF," said CCR attorney Adina Marx-Arpadi. "We call on her to use her power to stop this dangerous entity that is masquerading as a charitable organization while furthering death and violence in Gaza, and to do so without delay."
CCR's request follows a call earlier this month by a group of United Nations experts for the "immediate dismantling" of GHF, as well as "holding it and its executives accountable and allowing experienced and humanitarian actors from the U.N. and civil society alike to take back the reins of managing and distributing lifesaving aid."