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Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
Crossroads crop up in history as they do in personal lives. With hindsight, one can see that if the leader of a powerful nation had taken one road instead of the other, he would have shaped history differently. Napoleon's invasion of Russia was one such example.
In recent times, President Bush reached a crossroads as he ratcheted up pressure on Saddam Hussein in early 2003, by assembling a massive military force in the Gulf region.
The leaders of France and Germany disagreed with Bush. As president of a country that could veto resolutions by the UN security council, Jacques Chirac was in a strong position to dissuade Bush from invading Iraq while UN inspectors were still investigating for any signs of weapons of mass destruction.
In one of his telephone conversations in early February 2003, Chirac reportedly said to Bush: "You have won because under your military pressure, Saddam has allowed UN inspectors to go anywhere they want." He then suggested that the security council should give UN inspectors 120 days to complete their mission and submit their report. Bush rejected Chirac's proposal.
As it was, Bush's military build-up had made Saddam uncommonly pliable. In mid-February, his personal envoy sought out and met Richard Perle, the guru of the American neoconservatives, in London. In return for the US refraining from invading Iraq, Saddam would make the following concessions, he told Perle:
AC/a,!AC/ Saddam would allow up to 200 CIA and FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation) agents to go anywhere in Iraq to look for WMD.
AC/a,!AC/ He would give oil concessions to the American petroleum corporations.
AC/a,!AC/ He would go along with any agreement the Palestinians signed with Israel.
AC/a,!AC/ He would hold multi-party elections in Iraq under the UN aegis within two years.
On his return to the US, Perle conveyed Saddam's message to the top officials of the Bush administration. They replied with an impossible demand: that Saddam must step down first before they would discuss his offer.
The Bush White House should have taken the offer seriously, and bargained about the timing of the multi-party election under UN auspices. It should have squeezed Saddam to agree to an such a poll within, say, six months. To ensure his compliance, Bush should have kept most of the American troops in the region since Saddam responded only to force or threat of force.
Such an exercise would not have been ideal. But it would have set Iraq on to a path to electoral politics.
While the Arab Ba'ath Socialist Party was the dominant political force in Iraq, at one time it was part of the broader Progressive National Front, which included not only the Communist Party and the Arab nationalist Nasserites, but also a small Kurdish party - all of them secular.
In the changed environment, the underground religious parties like the Iraqi Islamic Party and Dawa would have been allowed to participate in the elections. But they would have faced stiff competition from secular groups more focused on the issues of economic and political liberalisation than sectarian animosity, which has dominated post-Saddam Iraq under US occupation.
This alternative scenario would have saved Iraq from splitting along Sunni-Shia lines, and spared Iraqis the catastrophic trauma they have endured since the Anglo-American invasion launched exactly five years ago.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Crossroads crop up in history as they do in personal lives. With hindsight, one can see that if the leader of a powerful nation had taken one road instead of the other, he would have shaped history differently. Napoleon's invasion of Russia was one such example.
In recent times, President Bush reached a crossroads as he ratcheted up pressure on Saddam Hussein in early 2003, by assembling a massive military force in the Gulf region.
The leaders of France and Germany disagreed with Bush. As president of a country that could veto resolutions by the UN security council, Jacques Chirac was in a strong position to dissuade Bush from invading Iraq while UN inspectors were still investigating for any signs of weapons of mass destruction.
In one of his telephone conversations in early February 2003, Chirac reportedly said to Bush: "You have won because under your military pressure, Saddam has allowed UN inspectors to go anywhere they want." He then suggested that the security council should give UN inspectors 120 days to complete their mission and submit their report. Bush rejected Chirac's proposal.
As it was, Bush's military build-up had made Saddam uncommonly pliable. In mid-February, his personal envoy sought out and met Richard Perle, the guru of the American neoconservatives, in London. In return for the US refraining from invading Iraq, Saddam would make the following concessions, he told Perle:
AC/a,!AC/ Saddam would allow up to 200 CIA and FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation) agents to go anywhere in Iraq to look for WMD.
AC/a,!AC/ He would give oil concessions to the American petroleum corporations.
AC/a,!AC/ He would go along with any agreement the Palestinians signed with Israel.
AC/a,!AC/ He would hold multi-party elections in Iraq under the UN aegis within two years.
On his return to the US, Perle conveyed Saddam's message to the top officials of the Bush administration. They replied with an impossible demand: that Saddam must step down first before they would discuss his offer.
The Bush White House should have taken the offer seriously, and bargained about the timing of the multi-party election under UN auspices. It should have squeezed Saddam to agree to an such a poll within, say, six months. To ensure his compliance, Bush should have kept most of the American troops in the region since Saddam responded only to force or threat of force.
Such an exercise would not have been ideal. But it would have set Iraq on to a path to electoral politics.
While the Arab Ba'ath Socialist Party was the dominant political force in Iraq, at one time it was part of the broader Progressive National Front, which included not only the Communist Party and the Arab nationalist Nasserites, but also a small Kurdish party - all of them secular.
In the changed environment, the underground religious parties like the Iraqi Islamic Party and Dawa would have been allowed to participate in the elections. But they would have faced stiff competition from secular groups more focused on the issues of economic and political liberalisation than sectarian animosity, which has dominated post-Saddam Iraq under US occupation.
This alternative scenario would have saved Iraq from splitting along Sunni-Shia lines, and spared Iraqis the catastrophic trauma they have endured since the Anglo-American invasion launched exactly five years ago.
Crossroads crop up in history as they do in personal lives. With hindsight, one can see that if the leader of a powerful nation had taken one road instead of the other, he would have shaped history differently. Napoleon's invasion of Russia was one such example.
In recent times, President Bush reached a crossroads as he ratcheted up pressure on Saddam Hussein in early 2003, by assembling a massive military force in the Gulf region.
The leaders of France and Germany disagreed with Bush. As president of a country that could veto resolutions by the UN security council, Jacques Chirac was in a strong position to dissuade Bush from invading Iraq while UN inspectors were still investigating for any signs of weapons of mass destruction.
In one of his telephone conversations in early February 2003, Chirac reportedly said to Bush: "You have won because under your military pressure, Saddam has allowed UN inspectors to go anywhere they want." He then suggested that the security council should give UN inspectors 120 days to complete their mission and submit their report. Bush rejected Chirac's proposal.
As it was, Bush's military build-up had made Saddam uncommonly pliable. In mid-February, his personal envoy sought out and met Richard Perle, the guru of the American neoconservatives, in London. In return for the US refraining from invading Iraq, Saddam would make the following concessions, he told Perle:
AC/a,!AC/ Saddam would allow up to 200 CIA and FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation) agents to go anywhere in Iraq to look for WMD.
AC/a,!AC/ He would give oil concessions to the American petroleum corporations.
AC/a,!AC/ He would go along with any agreement the Palestinians signed with Israel.
AC/a,!AC/ He would hold multi-party elections in Iraq under the UN aegis within two years.
On his return to the US, Perle conveyed Saddam's message to the top officials of the Bush administration. They replied with an impossible demand: that Saddam must step down first before they would discuss his offer.
The Bush White House should have taken the offer seriously, and bargained about the timing of the multi-party election under UN auspices. It should have squeezed Saddam to agree to an such a poll within, say, six months. To ensure his compliance, Bush should have kept most of the American troops in the region since Saddam responded only to force or threat of force.
Such an exercise would not have been ideal. But it would have set Iraq on to a path to electoral politics.
While the Arab Ba'ath Socialist Party was the dominant political force in Iraq, at one time it was part of the broader Progressive National Front, which included not only the Communist Party and the Arab nationalist Nasserites, but also a small Kurdish party - all of them secular.
In the changed environment, the underground religious parties like the Iraqi Islamic Party and Dawa would have been allowed to participate in the elections. But they would have faced stiff competition from secular groups more focused on the issues of economic and political liberalisation than sectarian animosity, which has dominated post-Saddam Iraq under US occupation.
This alternative scenario would have saved Iraq from splitting along Sunni-Shia lines, and spared Iraqis the catastrophic trauma they have endured since the Anglo-American invasion launched exactly five years ago.