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Cutting taxes on some tips for some workers is not a solution. Raising wages—and ending the subminimum wage—is.
During the election, Donald Trump boasted about lowering taxes for working Americans with his “no tax on tips” plan. This tax season, millions of Americans found out it was a scam.
You have to earn money for tax cuts to affect you. A tax deduction only helps if you owe taxes—and most tipped workers earn so little that they barely do. Two-thirds of tipped workers will not even earn enough to benefit. Zero minus zero is still zero. The vast majority of these tax cuts go to the wealthiest taxpayers.
For the workers this policy was supposed to help, the results are already clear.
Take Sherie Cummings, who has poured drinks on the Las Vegas Strip for 20 years. Sherie and her husband, also a bartender, earned $60,000 in tips last year. They expected the full deduction the president promised. They got $25,000 of it. The cap.
Thirteen million tipped workers do not need a tax deduction. They need a raise.
For private jet buyers, the same law delivered something different. Full write-offs on aircraft worth $5 to $10 million. And that write-off is permanent. The tips deduction expires in 2028. The Tax Policy Center projects that 60% of the savings from this law will flow to the top fifth of households—those earning more than $217,000 a year. The wealthiest will save millions. Sherie Cummings is putting her refund into savings because she is afraid of what comes next.
For working people, the real problem was never the tax code. It is wages. The federal subminimum wage for tipped workers has been $2.13 an hour since 1991. It was locked there permanently in 1996 by the National Restaurant Association—what we call “the other NRA.” They spent $2.9 million on federal lobbying in 2020 alone to make sure it stayed there. Which is why tipped workers earn a median income of $15,198 a year. Thirty-seven percent of the national median. Which is why they rely on food stamps at nearly double the rate of other workers. And because workers depend on tips from customers to survive, they put up with what no one should have to. Seventy-one percent of women in the industry report sexual harassment. In subminimum wage states, the rate is double what it is in states that require a full minimum wage with tips on top.
Seven states already require a full minimum wage with tips on top: California, Oregon, Washington, Nevada, Minnesota, Montana, Alaska. It is called One Fair Wage. The restaurant lobby warns that tips would disappear, that restaurants would close, that jobs would vanish. These are scare tactics. The seven states prove them wrong. Tips are the same or higher. Restaurant employment grows faster. Small business growth rates match or beat subminimum wage states.
And restaurant workers have organized and fought for years and won One Fair Wage in Washington, DC, Chicago, and Michigan. The restaurant lobby has fought to block and roll back these wins—in Michigan, they are still trying. But workers keep going. And even where implementation is partial, the numbers are in. DC set an all-time restaurant employment record. Tips grew. Chicago saw more than 850 new restaurant licenses and the fastest pay growth in the country.
Cutting taxes on some tips for some workers is not a solution. Raising wages—and ending the subminimum wage—is. That is why more than 100 labor, community, and civil rights organizations have come together as the Living Wage For All coalition. The fight: Raise the minimum wage to meet the cost of living and end all subminimum wages. In every state. For every worker. Campaigns are active in eight states. Workers have already won. And they will keep winning.
Thirteen million tipped workers do not need a tax deduction. They need a raise. Every shift. Every paycheck. Every year.
"Call it what it is: a pay cut and a betrayal of the working people," said One Fair Wage.
With backing from the restaurant lobby, the Washington, D.C. city council voted Monday to gut plans to raise wages for tipped workers, which had already been approved by the public.
It's the second time the council has overturned a wage increase for tipped workers that the public voted for, having already done so once in 2018.
Under federal law, tipped workers are allowed to be paid a much lower minimum wage—just $2.13 per hour compared with $7.25 for nontipped workers. Tipped workers are, consequentially, more likely to live in poverty.
This is the case in Washington, D.C., where, according to data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics analyzed by the Economic Policy Institute, 7.7% of tipped workers live in poverty compared to 2.6% of nontipped workers.
In 2022, D.C. voters overwhelmingly voted to address this problem, supporting Initiative 82, which would have gradually raised the minimum wage for tipped workers—just over $5.35 an hour at the time—to match what other workers receive by 2027.
In 2022, D.C.'s standard minimum wage—which increases each year pegged to inflation—was $16.10. As of 2025, it has increased to $17.95.
As the initiative to raise the tipped minimum wage began, restaurant industry lobbying groups like the Restaurant Association of Metropolitan Washington (RAMW) fought tooth-and-nail to roll it back.
In Jacobin, Raeghn Draper wrote that this group, and others like it around the country, "claim to speak on behalf of restaurant workers, but they are not worker organizations."
Instead, Draper wrote, "They are extensions of the National Restaurant Association (NRA), an industry group historically aligned with large corporate chains like McDonald's, Taco Bell, and Olive Garden—none exactly known for their commitment to workers' rights or well-being."
These groups waged an aggressive disinformation campaign, claiming that by phasing out the subminimum wage, restaurants, crushed by their increasing operating costs, would be forced to close en masse.
The RAMW even touted a survey of its own member restaurants purporting to show that 44% of full-service casual restaurants would have no choice but to close their doors by the end of 2025 due to the policy.
As Draper points out, citing data from an independent investigation by D.C.'s Office of the Budget Director, "the number of D.C. restaurant closures in 2024 did rise slightly compared to the previous year, but restaurant openings also increased, outpacing closures by a margin of two to one."
A study by the EPI likewise found that—despite industry claims that the higher wage requirements were forcing restaurants to lay off their employees—D.C. was seeing more employment growth than other towns in the region without requirements to raise wages.
But media outlets uncritically reported the restaurant industry's narrative about mass closures, and their attempts to "manufacture a crisis," as Draper says, paid off.
While making public appearances with restaurant industry lobbyists, Democratic Mayor Muriel Bowser signed legislation halting the wage increases in June—freezing the tipped minimum wage at $10 an hour. She pushed for a full repeal, which would have knocked the tipped wage back down to $8 an hour. But the city council voted it down.
On Monday, despite fierce protests from workers and unions, the city council voted 7-5 to freeze the tipped wage at $10 until July 2026, when it will increase by a measly five cents. They also voted to dramatically slow the tipped wage increases to just 5% each year until 2034, when it will be capped at 75% of the standard minimum wage.
Members of the council, as well as many media outlets, including Axios and The Washington Post, described the decision as a "compromise" between employers and workers. RAMW, which lamented that it was "not a full repeal," has portrayed it that way, though it nevertheless described it as a "win for the industry."
Fair wage activists, however, described it not as a compromise, but an assault on a hard-won democratic victory.
"In what world is this a compromise?" asked One Fair Wage, one of the groups that campaigned for the initiative. "Call it what it is: a pay cut and a betrayal of the working people."
"D.C. Council just voted to overturn the will of the people and freeze wages for tipped workers," said the Fair Budget Coalition in a post on X following the vote. "As rents and other costs rise, it is a CHOICE to maintain a subminimum wage for struggling D.C. residents."
According to EPI, a person living in Washington, D.C. needs to earn just under $31 an hour to afford the cost of living. The average wage paid to tipped workers like bartenders, waiters, and waitresses falls several dollars short of this.
"The voters told us what they wanted when they voted overwhelmingly for I-82—twice—and this is not it," said Brianne Nadeau, one of the council members who voted against reversing the wage hikes. "Restaurant workers and the organizations that represent them have been fighting this battle for wage protections for years, and they shouldn't have to keep fighting it. And this council should not keep on telling the voters they don't know what's best for themselves."
"The council chose corporate lobbyists over tipped workers," said One Fair Wage. To the council members who voted for it, they said: "We see you. We won't forget."
Over the next 10 years, the Raise the Wage Act would have a total benefit to affected workers of $700 billion, compared with about $39 billion from “no tax on tips” in the House bill.
At President Donald Trump’s direction, Congress is considering proposals to exempt tips from taxable income.
After Trump floated this gimmick on the campaign trail, Republican and Democratic elected officials alike have embraced the idea. The House Republican budget bill (H.R. 1) includes a “no tax on tips” provision that gives the illusion of helping lower-income workers—while the rest of the legislation hands huge giveaways to the rich at the expense of the working class. The Senate recently passed a standalone version of no tax on tips that similarly provides the false impression of aiding workers while giving employers excuses to incentivize tipped work and keep base wages low.
In stark contrast to “no tax on tips,” which excludes workers with the lowest incomes, the largest benefits of the Raise the Wage Act would go to the lowest-paid workers.
If the Trump administration and its allies in Congress genuinely wanted to help tipped and lower-paid workers, there are far better options they could pursue, like raising the federal minimum wage. To illustrate this, we compare the estimated impact of no tax on tips with the Raise the Wage Act of 2025, a bill that would raise the federal minimum wage from $7.25 to $17 an hour by 2030 and gradually phase out the tipped minimum wage. Here is an overview of how the two plans compare.
No tax on tips: Between 2.5 and 5.2 million tipped workers would receive an income tax deduction over the next four years, but benefits would end after 2028.
The Raise the Wage Act: Nearly 23 million workers, including 2.8 million tipped workers, would earn higher wages with no end date—meaning affected workers would continue to benefit indefinitely.
No tax on tips: Eligible tipped workers would receive an average annual tax cut of $1,700 for the four years it would be in effect. However, the benefits would heavily skew toward higher-income tipped workers. Among all tipped workers, the top 20% would receive an average tax cut of $5,768 while those in the bottom 20% would only get $74 on average. The average for the bottom quintile is small in large part because two-thirds of those workers have incomes so low that they do not pay federal income taxes and thus will not see any tax benefit.
The Raise the Wage Act: Affected workers who work year-round would receive an average wage increase of $3,200 per year. After taxes, the net pay increase would be marginally smaller but still significantly larger than what a worker would receive on average with a tax deduction on tips. In stark contrast to “no tax on tips,” which excludes workers with the lowest incomes, the largest benefits of the Raise the Wage Act would go to the lowest-paid workers.
No tax on tips: The public writ large would pay. House Republican lawmakers are already proposing massive cuts to social programs, such as Medicaid and food stamps that benefit millions of people (including tipped workers), to offset foregone revenue from no tax on tips and large tax cuts for the rich. The Republican plan would also dramatically increase the federal debt, which could substantially raise borrowing costs for households and businesses in the future.
The Raise the Wage Act: Employers of low-wage workers would pay for these wage increases, absorbing the higher labor costs over time through a variety of channels. Importantly, the Raise the Wage Act not only increases the federal minimum wage but also phases out the tipped minimum wage, a system that has provided employers of tipped workers an enormous—and highly problematic—public subsidy for decades.
While no tax on tips would benefit only the small share of workers who receive tips as a portion of their compensation, the Raise the Wage Act would benefit all low-wage workers in the U.S., including 4.2 million people with incomes below the poverty line. Over the next 10 years, the Raise the Wage Act would have a total benefit to affected workers of $700 billion, compared with about $39 billion from “no tax on tips” in the House bill (see Figure A).
As we at Economic Policy Institute and others have noted, no tax on tips is problematic for a variety of other reasons, aside from its paltry and poorly targeted benefits. The measure that passed in the House caps eligibility to workers in certain tipped occupations earning less than $160,000 in annual income. This will mitigate tax avoidance by the highest earners, but it does not fix other problems, including the fact that ending taxation of tips would likely expand employer use of tipped work—a system already rife with discrimination and worker abuse. No tax on tips would also undercut efforts to raise worker compensation while depleting tax revenue for public services. By subsidizing the use of tipping in the federal tax code, no tax on tips would further cement a system that lets employers off the hook from paying their workers a fair wage—in this case, forcing taxpayers to foot the bill. In contrast, the Raise the Wage Act gives workers a durable wage increase paid for by those who should be paying—their employers.
Beyond raising the minimum wage, there are several other effective and more equitable policies to support working families—including expanding the Earned Income Tax Credit and Child Tax Credit, providing workers with paid sick leave and paid family and medical leave, and supporting workers’ rights to form and join unions. But Trump and congressional Republicans, while claiming to support workers, have not pursued these policies. Instead, they have relentlessly attacked workers, and pushed an enormous tax cut for the wealthy—paid for by cutting essential social programs for low-income people and children and adding trillions to the public debt. As many as 16 million people would lose their health insurance under the House budget bill.
The Raise the Wage Act is by no means an outlier or a radical exercise in messaging—it’s cosponsored by majorities of House and Senate Democrats. If even a few Republicans were willing to support it, it could easily have the votes to pass. No tax on tips, on the other hand, remains a deceptive ploy that would provide few benefits to workers and fail to offset the harm the Republican budget bill would impose on millions of workers and families.