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"We all salute the same great American flag," President Donald Trump told an enthusiastic crowd at a rally of evangelical Christians and military veterans at the Kennedy Center on Saturday.
"Many Americans believe that Trump has brought shame, not respect, on the American flag. His brand of flag-waving patriotism is rooted in xenophobia and racism."
Wearing his flag label pin, Trump appeared on a stage decorated with a massive American flag. The audience--many of them decked out in red, white, and blue--waved miniature American flags. As he walked off the stage after his 35-minute speech, the First Baptist Dallas Orchestra played "You're a Grand Old Flag."
Before Trump addressed the crowd, a choir performed religious hymns along with "America the Beautiful."
The event was designed to wrap Trump himself in the flag, religion and the military in anticipation of July 4. To Trump and his followers, these are symbols of patriotism. In Trump's worldview, that means "America First," deporting undocumented immigrants, restricting visitors from Muslim countries, and withdrawing from the Paris climate accord and other international agreements.
Last year, at a rally in Tampa during his presidential campaign, as his followers chanted "build that wall," Trump interrupted his speech to give a bear hug to an American flag on the stage behind him--apparently as a way to demonstrate his patriotism.
At a speech to the American Legion in Cincinnati last year, Trump said, "We want young Americans to recite the Pledge of Allegiance." He promised the war veterans that he would work "to strengthen respect for our flag." He promised that in a Trump administration, "We will be united by our common culture, values and principles, becoming one American nation, one country under one constitution saluting one American flag--and always saluting it--the flag all of you helped to protect and preserve, that flag deserves respect."
Of course, many Americans believe that Trump has brought shame, not respect, on the American flag. His brand of flag-waving patriotism is rooted in xenophobia and racism. Only some kinds of people, Trump believes, deserve to be Americans.
"We want to make sure that anyone who seeks to join our country, shares our values and has the capacity to love our people," Trump said at the Kennedy Center rally.
What would Trump think about Francis Bellamy, the Christian socialist who wrote the Pledge of Allegiance, or Katherine Lee Bates, the poet who penned America the Beautiful, who was not only a socialist but also a lesbian?
Trump doesn't understand that the ways Americans express their patriotism are as diverse as our nation.
To some, patriotism means "my country--right or wrong." To others, it means loyalty to a set of principles, and thus requires dissent and criticism when those in power violate those standards. One version of patriotism suggests "Love it or leave it." The other version means "Love it and fix it."
This is a longstanding debate in American history.
Former President George W. Bush questioned the patriotism of anyone who challenged his war on terrorism. In his 2001 State of the Union address, for example, Bush claimed, "You're either with us, or with the terrorists." He introduced the Patriot Act to codify this view, giving the government new powers to suppress dissent. (The anti-war movement countered with bumper stickers illustrated with an American flag that proclaimed "Peace is Patriotic.")
In contrast, President Barack Obama said: "I have no doubt that, in the face of impossible odds, people who love their country can change it." He observed that, "Loving your country shouldn't just mean watching fireworks on the Fourth of July. Loving your country must mean accepting your responsibility to do your part to change it. If you do, your life will be richer, our country will be stronger."
Obama was echoing the words of Rev. Martin Luther King, who declared, in a speech during the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955, "the great glory of American democracy is the right to protest for right."
Progressives understand that people can disagree with their government and still love their country and its ideals. The flag, as a symbol of the nation, is not owned by the administration in power, but by the people. We battle over what it means, but all Americans--across the political spectrum--have an equal right to claim the flag as their own.
"Most Americans are unaware that much of our patriotic culture--including many of the leading symbols and songs--was created by people with decidedly progressive sympathies."
Indeed, throughout our history, many American radicals and progressive reformers have proudly asserted their patriotism. To them, America stood for basic democratic values--economic and social equality, mass participation in politics, free speech and civil liberties, elimination of the second-class citizenship of women and racial minorities, a welcome mat for the world's oppressed people. The reality of corporate power, right-wing xenophobia, and social injustice only fueled progressives' allegiance to these principles and the struggle to achieve them.
Bellamy, a Baptist minister who lived from 1855 to 1931, wrote the Pledge of Allegiance in 1892 to express his outrage at the nation's widening economic divide. He had been ousted from his Boston church for his sermons depicting Jesus as a socialist, and for his work among the poor in the Boston slums.
It was the Gilded Age, an era marked by major political, economic, and social conflicts. Progressive reformers were outraged by the widening gap between rich and poor, and the behavior of corporate robber barons who were exploiting workers, gouging consumers, and corrupting politics with their money. Workers were organizing unions. Farmers were joining forces in the so-called Populist movement to rein in the power of banks, railroads and utility companies. Reformers fought for child labor laws, against slum housing and in favor of women's suffrage. Socialists and other leftist radicals were gaining new converts.
In foreign affairs, Americans were battling over the nation's role in the world. America was beginning to act like an imperial power, justifying its expansion with a combination of white supremacy, manifest destiny and the argument that it was spreading democracy. At the time, nativist groups across the country were pushing for restrictions on immigrants--Catholics, Jews, and Asians--who were cast as polluting Protestant America. In the South, the outcome of the Civil War still inflamed regional passions. Many Southerners, including Civil War veterans, swore allegiance not to the American but to the Confederate flag.
Bellamy, a cousin of Edward Bellamy, author of two bestselling radical books, Looking Backward and Equality, believed that unbridled capitalism, materialism, and individualism betrayed America's promise. He hoped that the Pledge of Allegiance would promote a different moral vision to counter the rampant greed he argued was undermining the nation.
When composing the pledge, Bellamy had initially intended to use the phrase "liberty, fraternity, and equality," but concluded that the radical rhetoric of the French Revolution wouldn't sit well with many Americans. So he coined the phrase, "one nation, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all," as a means to express his more egalitarian vision of America, and a secular patriotism aimed at helping unite a divided nation.
Bellamy wrote the Pledge of Allegiance for Youth's Companion, a magazine for young people published in Boston with a circulation of about 500,000. A few years earlier, the magazine had sponsored a largely successful campaign to sell American flags to public schools. In 1891, the magazine hired Bellamy to organize a public relations campaign to celebrate the 400th anniversary of Christopher Columbus's discovery of America by promoting use of the flag in public schools.
Bellamy gained the support of the National Education Association, along with President Benjamin Harrison and Congress, for a national ritual observance in the schools, and he wrote the Pledge of Allegiance as part of the program's flag salute ceremony.
Bellamy thought such an event would be a powerful expression on behalf of free public education. Moreover, he wanted all the schoolchildren of America to recite the pledge at the same moment. He hoped the pledge would promote a moral vision to counter the individualism embodied in capitalism and expressed in the climate of the Gilded Age.
In 1923, over the objections of the aging Bellamy, the National Flag Conference, led by the American Legion and the Daughters of the American Revolution, changed the opening, "I pledge allegiance to my flag," to "I pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States of America." Ostensibly, it was revised to make sure that immigrant children -- who might have thought that "my flag" referred to their native countries -- knew that they were pledging allegiance to the American flag.
In 1954, at the height of the Cold War, when many political leaders believed that the nation was threatened by godless communism--the Knights of Columbus led a successful campaign to lobby Congress to add the words "under God."
A year after Bellamy composed the Pledge, the same social conditions and political sympathies inspired Bates to write the poem America the Beautiful, which was later set to music written by Samuel Ward, the organist at Grace Episcopal Church in Newark, New Jersey. (The Mormon Tabernacle Choir sang their song at Trump's inauguration).
Like Bellamy, Bates was a Christian socialist. A well-respected poet and professor of English at Wellesley College, Bates (1859-1929) was also a lesbian who lived with and was devoted to her colleague Katharine Coman, an economics professor. They were both part of progressive circles in the Boston area that supported labor unions, advocated for immigrants, and fought for women's suffrage. She was an ardent foe of American imperialism.
America the Beautiful was initially published in 1895 to commemorate the Fourth of July. The poem is usually heard as an unalloyed paean to American virtue. But a close reading of her words makes it clear that she had something more in mind. She wrote:
America! America!
God shed His grace on thee
Till selfish gain no longer stain,
The banner of the free!
Bates hoped that a progressive movement, inspired by both religious and secular beliefs, could overcome the Gilded Age's greed.
Most Americans are unaware that much of our patriotic culture--including many of the leading symbols and songs--was created by people with decidedly progressive sympathies.
Consider the lines inscribed on the Statue of Liberty: "Give me your tired, your poor/Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free." Emma Lazarus was a poet of considerable reputation in her day, who was a strong supporter of Henry George and his "socialistic" single-tax program, and a friend of William Morris, a leading British socialist. Her welcome to the "wretched refuse" of the earth, written in 1883, was an effort to project an inclusive and egalitarian definition of the American Dream - a view clearly at odds with Trump's narrow understanding of American history and values.
In the Depression years and during World War II, the fusion of populist, egalitarian and anti-racist values with patriotic expression reached full flower.
Langston Hughes' poem, Let America Be America Again, written in 1936, contrasted the nation's promise with its mistreatment of his fellow African-Americans, the poor, Native Americans, workers, farmers and immigrants:
O, let my land be a land where Liberty
Is crowned with no false patriotic wreath
But opportunity is real, and life is free
Equality is in the air we breathe.
In 1939, composer Earl Robinson teamed with lyricist John La Touche to write Ballad for Americans, which was performed on the CBS radio network by Paul Robeson, accompanied by chorus and orchestra. This 11-minute cantata provided a musical review of American history, depicted as a struggle between the "nobody who's everybody" and an elite that fails to understand the real, democratic essence of America.
"Since the American Revolution, each generation of progressives has expressed an American patriotism rooted in democratic values that challenged jingoism and "my country--right or wrong" thinking. They rejected blind nationalism, militaristic drum beating, and sheep-like conformism."Robeson, at the time one of the best-known performers on the world stage, became, through this work, a voice of America.
Broadcasts and recordings of Ballad for Americans (by Bing Crosby as well as Robeson) were immensely popular. In the summer of 1940, it was performed at the national conventions of both the Republican and Communist parties. The work soon became a staple in school choral performances, but it was literally ripped out of many public school songbooks after Robinson and Robeson were identified with the radical left and blacklisted during the McCarthy period. Since then, however, Ballad for Americans has been periodically revived, notably during the bicentennial celebration in 1976, when a number of pop and country singers performed it in concerts and on TV.
Aaron Copland's Fanfare for the Common Man and A Lincoln Portrait, both written in 1942, are now patriotic musical standards, regularly performed at major civic events. Few Americans know that Copland was a member of a radical composers' group.
Many Americans consider Woody Guthrie's song This Land Is Your Land, penned in 1940, to be our unofficial national anthem. Guthrie, a radical, was inspired to write the song as an answer to Irving Berlin's popular God Bless America, which he thought failed to recognize that it was the "people" to whom America belonged.
The words to This Land Is Your Land reflect Guthrie's belief that patriotism and support for the underdog were interconnected. In this song, Guthrie celebrated America's natural beauty and bounty, but criticized the country for its failure to share its riches. This is reflected in the song's last and least-known verse, which Pete Seeger and Bruce Springsteen included when they performed the song in January 2009 at a pre-inaugural concert in front of the Lincoln Memorial, with President-elect Obama in the audience:
One bright sunny morning;
In the shadow of the steeple;
By the relief office;
I saw my people.
As they stood hungry;
I stood there wondering;
If this land was made for you and me.
During the 1960s, American progressives continued to seek ways to fuse their love of country with their opposition to the government's policies. The March on Washington in 1963 gathered at the Lincoln Memorial, where Martin Luther King Jr. famously quoted the words to My Country 'Tis of Thee, repeating the phrase "Let freedom ring" 11 times.
Phil Ochs, then part of a new generation of politically conscious singer-songwriters who emerged during the 1960s, wrote an anthem in the Guthrie vein, The Power and the Glory, that coupled love of country with a strong plea for justice and equality. The words to the chorus echo the sentiments of the anti-Vietnam War movement:
Here is a land full of power and glory;
Beauty that words cannot recall;
Oh her power shall rest on the strength of her freedom;
Her glory shall rest on us all.
One of its stanzas updated Guthrie's combination of outrage and patriotism:
Yet she's only as rich as the poorest of her poor;
Only as free as the padlocked prison door;
Only as strong as our love for this land;
Only as tall as we stand.
This song later became part of the repertoire of the U.S. Army band.
And in 1968, in a famous anti-war speech, Norman Thomas, the aging leader of the Socialist Party, proclaimed, "I come to cleanse the American flag, not burn it."
In recent decades, Bruce Springsteen has most closely followed in the Guthrie tradition. From Born in the USA, to his songs about Tom Joad (the militant protagonist in John Steinbeck's The Grapes of Wrath), to his anthem about the 9/11 tragedy (Empty Sky), to his album Wrecking Ball (including its opening song, We Take Care of Our Own), Springsteen has championed the downtrodden while challenging America to live up to its ideals.
Steve Van Zandt is best known as the guitarist with Springsteen's E Street Band and for his role as Silvio Dante, Tony Soprano's sidekick on the TV show, The Sopranos. But his most enduring legacy should be his love song about America, I Am a Patriot, including these lyrics:
I am a patriot, and I love my country;
Because my country is all I know.
Wanna be with my family;
People who understand me;
I got no place else to go.
And I ain't no communist,
And I ain't no socialist,
And I ain't no capitalist,
And I ain't no imperialist,
And I ain't no Democrat,
Sure ain't no Republican either,
I only know one party,
And that is freedom.
Since the American Revolution, each generation of progressives has expressed an American patriotism rooted in democratic values that challenged jingoism and "my country--right or wrong" thinking. They rejected blind nationalism, militaristic drum beating, and sheep-like conformism.
Throughout the United States' history, they have viewed their movements--abolition of slavery, farmers' populism, women's suffrage, workers' rights, civil rights, environmentalism, gay rights, and others--as profoundly patriotic. They believed that America's core claims--fairness, equality, freedom, justice--were their own.
"Over the past few years, efforts like Occupy Wall Street, Black Lives Matter, the Dreamers immigrant-rights movement, the battles against the Keystone pipeline and for marriage equality, and the Fight for $15 (minimum wage) campaign have generated a new wave of activism, but nothing has inspired more protest than Trump's election in November."
America now confronts a new version of the Gilded Age, brought upon by Wall Street greed and corporate malfeasance. The gap between rich and poor is still widening. Although the economy has improved in recent years, Americans are feeling more economically insecure than at any time since the Depression. They are upset by the unbridled selfishness and political influence-peddling demonstrated by banks, oil companies, drug companies, insurance companies, and other large corporations. They are angry at the growing power of American-based global firms who show no loyalty to their country, outsource jobs to low-wage countries, avoid paying taxes, and pollute the environment.
With Trump in the White House, we are, once again, battling over immigration and who belongs in America. With Trump's approval, right-wing groups and talk-show pundits, calling themselves patriots, have unleashed a new wave of hate and bigotry.
Trump claims he wants to "make America great again" and "bring jobs home." But those sentiments conflict with Trump's own business practices. The entire Donald J. Trump Collection of clothing--including men's dress shirts, suits, ties and accessories--was made in factories overseas, mostly in China, Bangladesh, and Central America, to take advantage of cheap labor.
Trump followed in the tradition of Sam Walton, the founder of Walmart, America's largest corporation, who promoted the motto "Buy American." But today the retail giant, now owned by his heirs, imports most of its merchandise from Asia, much of it made under inhumane sweatshop conditions.
Trump's nativism, xenophobia, racism, selfishness, materialism, and faux patriotism would have appalled Francis Bellamy. Trump may want to require American schoolchildren to recite the Pledge of Allegiance, but his vision of America is a far cry from Bellamy's.
Over the past few years, efforts like Occupy Wall Street, Black Lives Matter, the Dreamers immigrant-rights movement, the battles against the Keystone pipeline and for marriage equality, and the Fight for $15 (minimum wage) campaign have generated a new wave of activism, but nothing has inspired more protest than Trump's election in November.
This movement, which embodies the Pledge of Allegiance's idea of "liberty and justice for all," reflects America's tradition of progressive patriotism. It recognizes that conservatives don't have a monopoly on Old Glory.
Happy July 4th.
Bob Dylan, the folk music icon who first rose to fame amid the struggle for civil rights and against the Vietnam War in the 1960s, was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature on Thursday for his transformative impact on culture and "for having created new poetic expressions within the great American song tradition."
Though long on the list of possible winners, Dylan's receipt of the prestigious award came as a shock to many. One reporter called it a "radical" choice that might "stir up a sensation" within the global literary community. Asked if he truly deserved the prize, Sara Danius, Permanent Secretary of the Swedish Academy, responded by saying, "Of course he does. He just got it."
"Homer and Sappho--they wrote poetic texts that were meant to be performed with instruments . . . it's the same with Bob Dylan."
--Dr. Sara Danius, Nobel committee
Dylan, Danius explained, "is a great in the English-speaking tradition and he is a wonderful sampler--a very original sampler. He embodies the tradition and for 54 years now he has been at it and reinventing himself and creating a new identity."
With dozens of original albums and thousands of songs written over more than five decades, Dylan is not only known as one of the most accomplished lyricists in the history of modern music, but his early career was notable for coinciding with the rise of both the folk revival in the United States and the rise of the counterculture movement. Seen by many as bridge between the Beat poets and writers of the 1950s and the socially-conscious music and culture of the 1960s, Dylan--though he often begrudged, and ultimately fled, the role--was often revered as the voice of a generation that questioned the American status quo in an era of upheaval.
Within his many albums, wrote the Nobel committee in biographical notes (pdf) released alongside the announcement, are songs whose themes revolve "around topics like the social conditions of man, religion, politics and love."
Following his first self-titled album in 1962, Dylan's second album was his first dominated by original compositions. Many of those songs--including "Blowin' In The Wind", "Masters of War", "A Hard Rain's A-Gonna Fall", "Oxford Town", and "I Shall Be Free"--blended his folk sensibilities with political messages that captured the radical shift of the American public at that time.
And in 1964, with the release of The Times They Are A-Changin'--which included such as songs as "The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll", "Only a Pawn in Their Game", "With God On Our Side", and the era-defining title track--Dylan expanded his musical stylings while deepening his reproach against social ills and injustice. In Hattie Carroll, which retells the real-life story of a black house maid in Maryland murdered by her wealthy employer's son, Dylan makes poetic narrative out of the injustice when the offender goes lightly punished while also turning the mirror of that horror on the reader (or listener) of the song:
In the courtroom of honor, the judge pounded his gavel
To show that all's equal and that the courts are on the level
And that the strings in the books ain't pulled and persuaded
And that even the nobles get properly handled
Once that the cops have chased after and caught 'em
And that the ladder of law has no top and no bottom
Stared at the person who killed for no reason
Who just happened to be feelin' that way without warnin'
And he spoke through his cloak, most deep and distinguished
And handed out strongly, for penalty and repentance
William Zanzinger with a six-month sentence
Oh, but you who philosophize disgrace and criticize all fears
Bury the rag deep in your face
For now's the time for your tears
On Bringing It All Back Home, released in 1965, Dylan once again expanded his approach--pushing the lyrical needle while still responding to the social upheaval he saw around him. In the spirited "It's Alright, Ma (I'm Only Bleeding)", Dylan wrote:
As some warn victory, some downfall
Private reasons great or small
Can be seen in the eyes of those that call
To make all that should be killed to crawl
While others say don't hate nothing at all
Except hatredDisillusioned words like bullets bark
As human gods aim for their mark
Make everything from toy guns that spark
To flesh-colored Christs that glow in the dark
It's easy to see without looking too far
That not much is really sacredWhile preachers preach of evil fates
Teachers teach that knowledge waits
Can lead to hundred-dollar plates
Goodness hides behind its gates
But even the president of the United States
Sometimes must have to stand naked
Though Dylan ultimately ditched much of his politically-rebellious character and later albums (specifically after 1976's Desire) moved away from overt tackling of social injustices, he never gave up his spirit of invention and refused to conform to expectations. As Giles Harvey wrote of Dylan's career in the New York Review of Books in 2010:
As the Sixties wore on, however, Dylan grew increasingly frustrated with what he came to regard as the pious sloganeering and doctrinaire leftist politics of the folk milieu. (Such politicized folk music, Dylan said in one of the notorious semicoherent interviews he gave mid-decade, "is a bunch of fat people.") As a result, his songs became stranger, more complex, less overtly concerned with the political happenings of the day. They no longer partitioned the country into moral factions, with arms dealers, corrupt politicians, Southern racists, and conventional bourgeois society on one side and the young, the poor, the downtrodden, and the guitar-and- harmonica-wielding troubadours on the other. They no longer asked--as Florence Reece's pro-union protest song of the 1930s had done--"Which Side Are You On?" Instead, Dylan began writing a kind of visionary nonsense verse, in which the rough, ribald, lawless America of the country's traditional folk music collided with a surreal ensemble of characters from history, literature, legend, the Bible, and many other places besides.
Dylan's achievement is vast and hard to distill, but part of it surely consists of the way in which he expanded the scope of his chosen form to the point that, like one of Joseph Cornell's boxes, a four-minute song might contain anything he felt like throwing into it. No songwriter before him would have thought to include Paul Revere's horse, the ghost of Belle Starr, Jack the Ripper, the Chamber of Commerce, John the Baptist, Galileo's math book, Delilah, Cecil B. DeMille, Ma Rainey, Beethoven, and the National Bank in a single song, as Dylan does in the rollicking phantasmagoria of "Tombstone Blues" (1965), a fairly typical example of his output at the time.
Though he famously kicked fellow folk singer and committed leftist Phil Ochs out of his limousine for being "a journalist" and "not a folksinger" and was widely admonished for appearing in glitzy adverstisement for a major car company that aired during the Super Bowl in 2014, few question that Dylan was among the great American songwriters of all time and a master poet whose songs--like the very earliest Greek lyricists--cannot be read (or heard) without a sense of awe.
As Danius of the Nobel Committee explained, "Homer and Sappho--they wrote poetic texts that were meant to be performed with instruments . . . it's the same with Bob Dylan."
If Woody Guthrie, America's most revered troubadour for social justice, was still alive he would no doubt be celebrating his 104th birthday today by writing songs about Donald Trump's attacks on immigrants, Muslims, the physically handicapped, and other groups and about the growing Black Lives Matter movement against police racism.
If Woody Guthrie, America's most revered troubadour for social justice, was still alive he would no doubt be celebrating his 104th birthday today by writing songs about Donald Trump's attacks on immigrants, Muslims, the physically handicapped, and other groups and about the growing Black Lives Matter movement against police racism.
Since Trump began his campaign for president, many comedians have parodied him, and many political pundits have winced at his outrageous comments, but no one has yet written a song that captures The Donald's full frontal craziness and mean-spiritedness.
Guthrie, who is best known for "This Land is Your Land," would have had a field day finding things to write about Trump.
In the 1940s, Guthrie penned a song, "Mr. Charlie Lindbergh," that that offers a glimpse into what he might have written about the presumptive Republican nominee for president. In the song, Guthrie excoriated two right-wing demagogues -- aviator Charles Lindbergh and the radio priest Father Charles Coughlin -- for views that sound very similar to those now expressed by Trump, who has branded his foreign policy with the slogan "America First." In the 1930s and early 1940s, Lindbergh and Coughlin were part of the "America First" movement, an isolationist, anti-Semitic crusade that wanted the United States to appease Adolf Hitler. Lindbergh served as the committee's principal spokesman and chief drawing card at its rallies.
In several stanzas of that song, Guthrie wrote words that could apply to Trump:
Hitler wrote to Lindy, said "Do your very worst."
Lindy started an outfit that he called America First
In Washington, Washington.Yonder comes Father Coughlin, wearin' the silver chain,
Gas on his stomach and Hitler on the brain.
In Washington, Washington.
In fact, Guthrie did pen a song about Trump's father. In December 1950, Guthrie rented an apartment in Brooklyn owned by Fred C. Trump and soon wrote a song, "Old Man Trump," about his landlord's racism. The song -- discovered in the Woody Guthrie Center Archives in Oklahoma by Will Kaufman, a professor of American literature and culture at the University of Central Lancashire in England -- points out that Trump refused to rent to black tenants in his Beach Haven apartment complex near Coney Island.
One verse of the song goes:
I suppose
Old Man Trump knows
Just how much
Racial Hate
he stirred up
In the bloodpot of human hearts
When he drawed
That color line
Here at his
Eighteen hundred family project
In other verse, Guthrie revised his Depression-era Dust Bowl song "I Ain't Got No Home" to lambast the elder Trump for his racist practices:
Beach Haven ain't my home!
I just can't pay this rent!
My money's down the drain!
And my soul is badly bent!
Beach Haven looks like heaven
Where no black ones come to roam!
No, no, no! Old Man Trump!
Old Beach Haven ain't my home!
Trump -- who had been arrested in 1927 for participating in a Ku Klux Klan rally in Queens -- built the Beach Haven apartment complex using federal government subsidies intended to help returning World War 2 veterans find affordable housing. As Kaufman explained in an article for The Conversation, Trump was investigated by a U.S. Senate committee in 1954 for profiteering off of public contracts, including overcharging the government by $3.7 million for Beach Haven apartments.
BY THE 1970s, the senior Trump had brought his son Donald into the family business, where the young Trump continued his father's racist practices. The U.S. Department of Justice charged the Trumps with violating civil rights laws for discriminating against African Americans in renting out apartments. Applicants by would-be tenants were coded by race. Doormen at Trump's buildings were told to discourage blacks from seeking apartments. The Justice Department and Trump Management reached a settlement agreement that did not require the Trump to admit guilt. But Donald Trump's racist comments during this presidential season show that he's definitely his father's son.
Guthrie's critique of Fred Trump's racism was no aberration. In his book, Woody Guthrie: American Radical, Kaufman traces Guthrie's evolving views on race relations, from embracing old-fashioned racist stereotypes from his Oklahoma upbringing to becoming a crusader for racial justice.
In his song "The Ferguson Brothers Killing," Guthrie condemned the 1946 police killing of two unarmed black brothers, Charles and Alfonso Ferguson, in Freeport, Long Island after they were refused service in a bus terminal cafe.
In "Buoy Bells from Trenton," Guthrie wrote about the "Trenton Six" - black men convicted of murder in 1948 by an all-white jury in a trial marred by official perjury and manufactured evidence. In that song, Guthrie compared the Trenton case to the biased 1921 trial, overseen by Judge Webster Thayer, of Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti, Italian-born anarchists who were unfairly convicted of murdering a guard and a paymaster during the armed robbery in South Braintree, Massachusetts. Guthrie wrote:
Old Judge Thayer let Sacco and Vanzetti die;
He called 'em wops and radical rats
That same old racial hate
Ran through the judge and jury's heart,
And your death line they signed
Guthrie was a prolific chronicler of many racist episodes and would certainly have been inspired to write about the police murders of Black Americans occurring today as well as Trump's attacks on Mexican immigrants.
While living in New York in 1948, Guthrie was angered by newspaper and radio accounts of a plane crash near Los Gatos Canyon in Fresno County, California that killed 32 people, including 28 migrant farm workers who were being deported back Mexico. The New York Times story, for example, mentioned the names of the flight crew and the security guard, but simply referred to the other victims as "deportees," who were buried in a mass grave in Fresno. Guthrie's song about the incident -- "Plane Wreck at Los Gatos," often known as "Deportee" - expressed his outrage at the mistreatment of Mexican migrants. He gave them symbolic names -- "Goodbye to my Juan/Goodbye Rosalita/Adios, mis amigos/Jesus y Maria". He protested their exploitation in words that resonate today when Donald Trump threatens to build a wall to keep Mexican immigrants from entering this country:
Some of us are illegal, and some are not wanted,
Our work contract's out and we have to move on;
Six hundred miles to that Mexican border,
They chase us like outlaws, like rustlers, like thieves.We died in your hills, we died in your deserts,
We died in your valleys and died on your plains.
We died 'neath your trees and we died in your bushes,
Both sides of the river, we died just the same.Is this the best way we can grow our big orchards?
Is this the best way we can grow our good fruit?
To fall like dry leaves to rot on my topsoil
And be called by no name except "deportees"?
Guthrie wrote almost 3,000 songs, but he is best known for "This Land Is Your Land," often considered America's alternative national anthem. Most Americans know the chorus -- "This land is your land, this land is my land / From California, to the New York Island / From the redwood forest, to the gulf stream waters / This land was made for you and me" -- and perhaps even some of the verses about the "ribbon of highways," "sparkling sands," "diamond deserts," and "wheat fields waving." But few people know the two radical verses of the song, which are usually omitted from recordings and songbooks used by schools and summer camps:
As I went walking I saw a sign there
And on the sign it said "No Trespassing"
But on the other side it didn't say nothing
That side was made for you and me.In the shadow of the steeple I saw my people
By the relief office I seen my people
As they stood there hungry, I stood there asking
Is this land made for you and me?
Guthrie penned the song in 1940 as an answer to Irving Berlin's popular "God Bless America," which he thought failed to recognize that it was the "people" to whom America belonged. In the song, Guthrie celebrates America's natural beauty and bounty but criticizes the country for its failure to share its riches. The lyrics reflect Guthrie's assumption that patriotism and support for the underdog were interconnected.
Many Americans heard Guthrie's radical verses for the first time in January 2009 when Pete Seeger and Bruce Springsteen included them when they performed the song at a pre-inaugural concert in front of the Lincoln Memorial, with President-elect Obama in the audience.
GUTHRIE WAS BORN in Okemah, Oklahoma in 1912. His parents named him for Woodrow Wilson, who would be the Democratic Party's successful presidential candidate that year. But as Woody grew older, his political views would become closer to those of Eugene V. Debs, the Socialist Party's presidential candidate, who got 16.4 percent of Oklahoma's vote in 1912, more than any other state except Nevada.
Guthrie's father was a cowboy, land speculator, and local politician who did well during the oil boom, went bankrupt during the economic downturn, and struggled throughout the 1920s; the family often lived in shacks. Both his father and mother (who was eventually institutionalized for mental illness, later revealed to be Huntington's chorea) taught Woody Western songs, Indian songs, and Scottish folk tunes.
In 1931 Guthrie moved to Pampa, Texas, and formed the Corn Cob Trio and then the Pampa Junior Chamber of Commerce Band, both singing cowboy songs. In 1935 he left for California looking for a way to support his young family. He hitchhiked and rode freight trains, earning money painting signs, playing guitar, and singing in the streets and saloons along the way.
Guthrie had his first big break and taste of success while living in Los Angeles from 1937 to 1940. He landed a job on a local radio station, KFVD, singing cowboy songs, hillbilly tunes, religious hymns, and old-time ballads as well as his own compositions. He initially performed with his cousin Jack, but found a larger audience -- with two shows a day, six days a week -- when he joined forces with Maxine Crissman, known as "Lefty Lou".
His audience -- including many Okies (from Oklahoma) and Texans living in makeshift shelters in migrant camps -- grew, and Guthrie began adding political and social commentary to his songs. His experiences in South California during the Depression inspired his radical views about social and political conditions. He wrote songs about families facing foreclosure by unscrupulous banks, migrant Mexican farm workers exploited by agribusiness, and politicians who turned a blind eye to the widespread suffering. He also penned patriotic songs about America's promise and its natural beauty, and angry songs encouraging Americans to organize unions and protest against injustice.
While working at KFVD, Guthrie met Ed Robbin, an editor for People's World, the Communist Party's West Coast paper, and actor Will Geer, another left-wing activist, who introduced him to the local radical scene. Robbin helped Guthrie get bookings entertaining at local benefits (some at the homes of Hollywood stars) to raise money for striking workers and other left-wing causes. Geer traveled with Guthrie to support union organizing drives among cannery workers, cotton pickers, and construction workers throughout California. He also sang at the New Deal's government agricultural camps that provided a handful of migrant workers with food, safe water, and decent housing.
Guthrie's songs of that period -- including "I Ain't Got No Home," "Goin' Down the Road Feelin' Bad," "Talking Dust Bowl Blues," "Hard Travelin'," and "Tom Joad" (based on the hero of John Steinbeck's novel, The Grapes of Wrath, about migrant workers) -- all reflect his growing anger and his mission to give a voice to the disenfranchised.
In "Pretty Boy Floyd," Guthrie portrayed the outlaw as a Robin Hood character, contrasting him to the bankers and businessmen who exploit workers and foreclose on families' farms and homes: "Yes, as through this world I've wandered / I've seen lots of funny men / Some will rob you with a six-gun / And some with a fountain pen."
In "Do Re Mi," he wrote about the Los Angeles Police Department's illegal blockade at the California border -- hundreds of miles outside its jurisdiction -- to stop Dust Bowl migrants from entering the state unless they had fifty dollars or could prove they already had a job.
California is a garden of Eden,
A paradise to live in or see;
But believe it or not,
you won't find it so hot
If you ain't got the do re mi.
In 1939 Guthrie began writing a column, "Woody Sez," for People's World, commenting on the news of the day. The next year, the party's New York paper, the Daily Worker, picked up the column.
Always restless, Guthrie moved to New York City in 1940 and was quickly embraced by radical organizations, artists, writers, musicians, and progressive intellectuals. He performed occasionally on radio and developed a loyal following. His admirers viewed him as an authentic proletarian, filled with homespun wisdom that energized his songs and columns.
In the 1940s, Pete Seeger, Lee Hays, and Millard Lampell formed the Almanac Singers to perform songs about current events for unions, left-wing groups, and other causes. Guthrie sang on several Almanac singles and two albums, Deep Sea Chanties and Sod Buster Ballads, and often performed with the Almanacs, including at a huge rally in Detroit sponsored by the United Auto Workers union.
Guthrie wrote some of the Almanac Singers' most popular songs, including "Union Maid." He had a gift for writing songs that told stories about current events and real people but were also timeless in terms of exploring issues of justice and fairness.
In early 1941 the Almanacs performed songs opposing President Franklin D. Roosevelt's plans to enter World War II -- a view that Communists applauded but that alienated many of their admirers, including Eleanor Roosevelt. After Germany broke its truce with Russia and invaded the country in June of that year, the Almanacs changed their tune, writing patriotic songs that embraced the war effort and the US alliance with Russia to defeat Hitler. They were back in Mrs. Roosevelt's good graces.
When their songs were in sync with the New Deal, the Almanacs were courted by commercial promoters. They sang on national network radio, made records, and performed at night clubs, including the upscale Rainbow Room at Rockefeller Center. Guthrie had several regular radio gigs of his own. But the Almanac Singers' political views -- including Guthrie's -- were too controversial to sustain mainstream success. After Seeger joined the army and Guthrie signed up for the merchant marine (he was later drafted into the army, serving until 1945), the Almanacs broke up.
For a month in 1941 Guthrie was on the New Deal payroll, earning $266 to write songs for a documentary film about the Grand Coulee Dam, which brought electricity and jobs to Oregon and Washington. He moved to Portland, Oregon, and quickly wrote some of his most memorable songs, including "Roll on Columbia" (about the Columbia River), "Grand Coulee Dam," and "The Biggest Thing That Man Has Done."
While in the merchant marine and the army, Guthrie composed hundreds of anti-Hitler, pro-WW2, and other songs to inspire the troops, including "All You Fascists Bound to Lose," "Talking Merchant Marine," and "The Sinking of the Reuben James." Guthrie painted the words "This Machine Kills Fascists" on his guitar. In 1943 he published his first novel, Bound for Glory, a semi-autobiographical account of his Dust Bowl years that contributed to his reputation as a rambling troubadour.
By 1946 the Cold War-era Red Scare had made it harder for Guthrie to find work. Many of the Congress of Industrial Organization unions had purged their radicals and no longer welcomed Guthrie.
AFTER MOVING OUT of Trump's Beach Haven apartments, Guthrie settled with his wife and children in a house in Coney Island, which inspired him to compose and record several albums for kids, including, Songs to Grow on for Mother and Child and Work Songs to Grow On. Several generations of parents have raised their kids with Guthrie's songs, many of which provided valuable lessons for living, including on such topics as friendship ("Don't You Push Me Down"), family ("Ship in the Sky"), neighborhoods ("Howdi Doo"), chores ("Pick It Up"), personal responsibility ("Cleano"), and family vacations ("Riding in My Car"). Guthrie was also connected with Brooklyn's Jewish community through his mother-in-law, the Yiddish poet Aliza Greenblatt, and wrote several songs with Jewish themes, including "Hanuka Dance," "The Many and The Few" and "Mermaid's Avenue."
In the late 1940s Guthrie's behavior became increasingly erratic, even violent. These were symptoms of Huntington's chorea, a rare hereditary degenerative disease that gradually robbed him of his health and ability to function physically. Doctors at first mistakenly treated him for everything from alcoholism to schizophrenia. In 1954 he was admitted into the Greystone Psychiatric Hospital in New Jersey, where he was finally properly diagnosed. For the last decade of his life, he was confined to hospitals, barely able to communicate. Many family, friends, and young fans -- including Bob Dylan -- came to visit him to pay their respects. Although Guthrie helped inspire the folk music revival of the late 1950s and 1960s, he was unable to enjoy it or benefit from it financially.
Since his death, Guthrie has become a cultural icon. Woody's friends Ramblin' Jack Elliott and Pete Seeger were his most effective promoters, ensuring that younger generations knew Guthrie's music. Many folksingers and rockers -- including his Dylan, Joan Baez, Phil Ochs, Tom Paxton, Arlo Guthrie, Jackson Browne, Bonnie Raitt, John McCutcheon, Bruce Springsteen, Ani DiFranco, the Klezmatics, and Tom Morello -- have followed in Guthrie's political footsteps, recorded and interpreted his songs, and joined forces with activist movements.
At the request of Guthrie's daughter Nora, British singer Billy Bragg and the American band Wilco explored the many unpublished Guthrie songs in his archives and set them to music, producing two Grammy-nominated albums, Mermaid Avenue and Mermaid Avenue Vol. II.
In 2012, the Los Angeles-based Grammy Museum and the Guthrie Foundation and Archives sponsored "Woody at 100," a series of concerts, conferences and museum exhibits around the country to celebrate the life and music of the radical troubadour and songwriter, including a tribute concert at the Kennedy Center in Washington, D.C. A diverse group of artists and performers turned more of Guthrie's unpublished songs, poems, and journals into songs and spoken word tributes in the album, Note Of Hope - A Celebration Of Woody Guthrie. As part of the centenary celebration, Smithsonian Folkways released a 3-CD box set, also called Woody at 100, that included some previously unreleased recordings discovered by the Smithsonian Folkways label.
When Guthrie died in 1967, he was little-known by the general public, a cult figure among folkies and radicals. Today, his name and his songs are widely celebrated. Several of his songs (including "Bling Blang," "Riding in My Car," "Howdi Doo," "Mail Myself To You," "Happy Hanukah" and "This Land is Your Land") have been turned into children's books. His songs have been collected in a number of books and he is the subject of bio-pic film and several documentaries.
Guthrie was posthumously inducted into the National Songwriters' Hall of Fame, the Nashville Songwriters' Hall of Fame, and the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame. In 2000 he was honored with the Grammy Lifetime Achievement Award. In 2012, the Los Angeles City Council named the intersection of Fifth and Main streets, not far from Skid Row, where he once lived, "Woody Guthrie Square." His "Roll On Columbia" is now Washington State's official song and "Oklahoma Hills" is the official song of his native state.
Woody Guthrie, America's most revered troubadour for social justice, would be 103 years old if he were alive today. He was born on July 14, 1912. Although he died in 1967 at 55, his songs have endured. They are still sung around the world. In fact, his popularity has grown in recent decades as we learn more about the treasure trove of Guthrie's remarkable songbook.
Guthrie wrote almost 3,000 songs, but he is best known for "This Land Is Your Land," often considered America's alternative national anthem. Most Americans know the chorus -- "This land is your land, this land is my land / From California, to the New York Island / From the redwood forest, to the gulf stream waters / This land was made for you and me" -- and perhaps even some of the verses about the "ribbon of highways," "sparkling sands," "diamond deserts," and "wheat fields waving." But few people know the two radical verses of the song, which are usually omitted from recordings and songbooks used by schools and summer camps:
As I went walking I saw a sign there
And on the sign it said "No Trespassing"
But on the other side it didn't say nothing
That side was made for you and me.In the shadow of the steeple I saw my people
By the relief office I seen my people
As they stood there hungry, I stood there asking
Is this land made for you and me?
Guthrie penned the song in 1940 as an answer to Irving Berlin's popular "God Bless America," which he thought failed to recognize that it was the "people" to whom America belonged. In the song, Guthrie celebrates America's natural beauty and bounty but criticizes the country for its failure to share its riches. The lyrics reflect Guthrie's assumption that patriotism and support for the underdog were interconnected.
Many Americans heard Guthrie's radical verses for the first time in January 2009 when Pete Seeger and Bruce Springsteen included them when they performed the song at a pre-inaugural concert in front of the Lincoln Memorial, with President-elect Obama in the audience.
Guthrie was born in Okemah, Oklahoma in 1912. His parents named him for Woodrow Wilson, who would be the Democratic Party's successful presidential candidate that year. But as Woody grew older, his political views would become closer to those of Eugene V. Debs, the Socialist Party's presidential candidate, who got 16.4 percent of Oklahoma's vote in 1912, more than any other state except Nevada.
Guthrie's father was a cowboy, land speculator, and local politician who did well during the oil boom, went bankrupt during the economic downturn, and struggled throughout the 1920s; the family often lived in shacks. Both his father and mother (who was eventually institutionalized for mental illness, later revealed to be Huntington's chorea) taught Woody Western songs, Indian songs, and Scottish folk tunes.
In 1931 Guthrie moved to Pampa, Texas, and formed the Corn Cob Trio and then the Pampa Junior Chamber of Commerce Band, both singing cowboy songs. In 1935 he left for California looking for a way to support his young family. He hitchhiked and rode freight trains, earning money painting signs, playing guitar, and singing in the streets and saloons along the way.
Guthrie had his first big break and taste of success while living in Los Angeles from 1937 to 1940. He landed a job on a local radio station, KFVD, singing cowboy songs, hillbilly tunes, religious hymns, and old-time ballads as well as his own compositions. He initially performed with his cousin Jack, but found a larger audience -- with two shows a day, six days a week -- when he joined forces with Maxine Crissman, known as "Lefty Lou".
His audience -- including many Okies (from Oklahoma) and Texans living in makeshift shelters in migrant camps -- grew, and Guthrie began adding political and social commentary to his songs. His experiences in South California during the Depression inspired his radical views about social and political conditions. He wrote songs about families facing foreclosure by unscrupulous banks, migrant Mexican farm workers exploited by agribusiness, and politicians who turned a blind eye to the widespread suffering. He also penned patriotic songs about America's promise and its natural beauty, and angry songs encouraging Americans to organize unions and protest against injustice.
While working at KFVD, Guthrie met Ed Robbin, an editor for People's World, the Communist Party's West Coast paper, and actor Will Geer, another left-wing activist, who introduced him to the local radical scene. Robbin helped Guthrie get bookings entertaining at local benefits (some at the homes of Hollywood stars) to raise money for striking workers and other left-wing causes. Geer traveled with Guthrie to support union organizing drives among cannery workers, cotton pickers, and construction workers throughout California. He also sang at the New Deal's government agricultural camps that provided a handful of migrant workers with food, safe water, and decent housing.
Guthrie's songs of that period -- including "I Ain't Got No Home," "Goin' Down the Road Feelin' Bad," "Talking Dust Bowl Blues," "Hard Travelin'," and "Tom Joad" (based on the hero of John Steinbeck's novel, The Grapes of Wrath, about migrant workers) -- all reflect his growing anger and his mission to give a voice to the disenfranchised.
In "Pretty Boy Floyd," Guthrie portrayed the outlaw as a Robin Hood character, contrasting him to the bankers and businessmen who exploit workers and foreclose on families' farms and homes: "Yes, as through this world I've wandered / I've seen lots of funny men / Some will rob you with a six-gun / And some with a fountain pen."
In "Do Re Mi," he wrote about the Los Angeles Police Department's illegal blockade at the California border -- hundreds of miles outside its jurisdiction -- to stop Dust Bowl migrants from entering the state unless they had fifty dollars or could prove they already had a job.
California is a garden of Eden,
A paradise to live in or see;
But believe it or not,
you won't find it so hot
If you ain't got the do re mi.
In 1939 Guthrie began writing a column, "Woody Sez," for People's World, commenting on the news of the day. The next year, the party's New York paper, the Daily Worker, picked up the column.
Always restless, Guthrie moved to New York City in 1940 and was quickly embraced by radical organizations, artists, writers, musicians, and progressive intellectuals. He performed occasionally on radio and developed a loyal following. His admirers viewed him as an authentic proletarian, filled with homespun wisdom that energized his songs and columns. Much of Guthrie's image was the result of his own mythmaking and that of his promoters, particularly folklorist Alan Lomax. In reality, Guthrie came from a middle-class family and was a prodigious reader and self-taught intellectual.
Lomax recorded Guthrie in a series of conversations and songs for the Library of Congress in Washington, DC, that contributed to this "folksy" impression. Lomax's efforts were part of an upsurge of popular left-wing culture -- fostered in part by New Deal programs like the federal theater and writers' projects -- that promoted folk and traditional songs as "people's" music. In addition to Guthrie, Lomax also helped Huddie "Lead Belly" Ledbetter, an ex-convict from Louisiana. Lead Belly played the twelve-string guitar and wrote and performed songs like "Midnight Special" and "Bourgeois Blues," which captivated liberal middle-class audiences in New York and other cities.
In New York, Guthrie joined a growing interracial circle of radical musicians, actors, poets, writers, composers, dancers, and political activists. Pete Seeger, Lee Hays, and Millard Lampell formed the Almanac Singers to perform songs about current events for unions, left-wing groups, and other causes. Guthrie sang on several Almanac singles and two albums, Deep Sea Chanties and Sod Buster Ballads, and often performed with the Almanacs, including at a huge rally in Detroit sponsored by the United Auto Workers union.
Guthrie wrote some of the Almanac Singers' most popular songs, including "Union Maid." He had a gift for writing songs that told stories about current events and real people but were also timeless in terms of exploring issues of justice and fairness. He was also a brilliant satirist, writing songs that made fun of business leaders, politicians, Adolf Hitler, and such right-wing figures as aviator Charles Lindbergh and Charles Coughlin, the "radio priest."
In early 1941 the Almanacs performed songs opposing President Franklin D. Roosevelt's plans to enter World War II -- a view that Communists applauded but that alienated many of their admirers, including Eleanor Roosevelt. After Germany broke its truce with Russia and invaded the country in June of that year, the Almanacs changed their tune, writing patriotic songs that embraced the war effort and the US alliance with Russia to defeat Hitler. They were back in Mrs. Roosevelt's good graces.
When their songs were in sync with the New Deal, the Almanacs were courted by commercial promoters. They sang on national network radio, made records, and performed at night clubs, including the upscale Rainbow Room at Rockefeller Center. Guthrie had several regular radio gigs of his own. But the Almanac Singers' political views -- including Guthrie's -- were too controversial to sustain mainstream success. After Seeger joined the army and Guthrie signed up for the merchant marine (he was later drafted into the army, serving until 1945), the Almanacs broke up.
For a month in 1941 Guthrie was on the New Deal payroll, earning $266 to write songs for a documentary film about the Grand Coulee Dam, which brought electricity and jobs to Oregon and Washington. He moved to Portland, Oregon, and quickly wrote some of his most memorable songs, including "Roll on Columbia" (about the Columbia River), "Grand Coulee Dam," and "The Biggest Thing That Man Has Done."
While in the merchant marine and the army, Guthrie composed hundreds of anti-Hitler, pro-WW2, and other songs to inspire the troops, including "All You Fascists Bound to Lose," "Talking Merchant Marine," and "The Sinking of the Reuben James." Guthrie painted the words "This Machine Kills Fascists" on his guitar. In 1943 he published his first novel, Bound for Glory, a semi-autobiographical account of his Dust Bowl years that contributed to his reputation as a rambling troubadour.
By 1946 the Red Scare had made it harder for Guthrie to find work. Many of the Congress of Industrial Organization unions had purged their radicals and no longer welcomed Guthrie.
After the war, Guthrie returned to New York and settled in Coney Island, Brooklyn, with his second wife, Marjorie. While living there in 1948, Guthrie was angered by newspaper and radio accounts of a plane crash near Los Gatos Canyon in Fresno County that killed 32 people, including 28 migrant farm workers who were being deported back Mexico. The New York Times story, for example, mentioned the names of the flight crew and the security guard, but simply referred to the other victims as "deportees," who were buried in a mass grave in Fresno. Guthrie's song about the incident -- "Plane Wreck at Los Gatos," often known as "Deportee" - expressed his outrage at the mistreatment of Mexican migrants. He gave them symbolic names -- "Goodbye to my Juan/Goodbye Rosalita/Adios, mis amigos/Jesus y Maria". He protested their exploitation in words that surely resonate today:
Some of us are illegal, and some are not wanted,
Our work contract's out and we have to move on;
Six hundred miles to that Mexican border,
They chase us like outlaws, like rustlers, like thieves.We died in your hills, we died in your deserts,
We died in your valleys and died on your plains.
We died 'neath your trees and we died in your bushes,
Both sides of the river, we died just the same.Is this the best way we can grow our big orchards?
Is this the best way we can grow our good fruit?
To fall like dry leaves to rot on my topsoil
And be called by no name except "deportees"?
Woody's son Arlo, born in 1947, became a popular folksinger following his debut antiwar hit album, Alice's Restaurant, in 1967. His daughter Nora, born in 1950, later became the head of the Woody Guthrie Foundation and the founder of the Guthrie Archives.
His children and his new surroundings in Coney Island inspired Guthrie to compose and record several albums for kids, including, Songs to Grow on for Mother and Child and Work Songs to Grow On. Several generations of parents have raised their kids with Guthrie's songs, many of which provided valuable lessons for living, including on such topics as friendship ("Don't You Push Me Down"), family ("Ship in the Sky"), neighborhoods ("Howdi Doo"), chores ("Pick It Up"), personal responsibility ("Cleano"), and family vacations ("Riding in My Car"). Guthrie was also connected with Brooklyn's Jewish community through his mother-in-law, the Yiddish poet Aliza Greenblatt, and wrote several songs with Jewish themes, including "Hanuka Dance," "The Many and The Few" and "Mermaid's Avenue."
In the late 1940s Guthrie's behavior became increasingly erratic, even violent. These were symptoms of Huntington's chorea, a rare hereditary degenerative disease that gradually robbed him of his health and ability to function physically. Doctors at first mistakenly treated him for everything from alcoholism to schizophrenia. In 1954 he was admitted into the Greystone Psychiatric Hospital in New Jersey, where he was finally properly diagnosed. For the last decade of his life, he was confined to hospitals, barely able to communicate. Many family, friends, and young fans -- including Bob Dylan -- came to visit him to pay their respects. Although Guthrie helped inspire the folk music revival of the late 1950s and 1960s, he was unable to enjoy it or benefit from it financially.
Since his death, Guthrie has become a cultural icon. Woody's friends Ramblin' Jack Elliott and Pete Seeger were his most effective promoters, ensuring that younger generations knew Guthrie's music. Many folksingers and rockers -- including his Dylan, Joan Baez, Phil Ochs, Tom Paxton, Arlo Guthrie, Jackson Browne, Bonnie Raitt, John McCutcheon, Bruce Springsteen, Ani DiFranco, the Klezmatics, and Tom Morello -- have followed in Guthrie's political footsteps, recorded and interpreted his songs, and joined forces with activist movements.
At Nora Guthrie's initiative, British singer Billy Bragg and the American band Wilco explored the many unpublished Guthrie songs in his archives and set them to music, producing two Grammy-nominated albums, Mermaid Avenue and Mermaid Avenue Vol. II.
In 2012, the Los Angeles-based Grammy Museum and the Guthrie Foundation and Archives sponsored "Woody at 100," a series of concerts, conferences and museum exhibits around the country to celebrate the life and music of the radical troubadour and songwriter, including a tribute concert at the Kennedy Center in Washington, D.C. A diverse group of artists and performers turned more of Guthrie's unpublished songs, poems, and journals into songs and spoken word tributes in the album, Note Of Hope - A Celebration Of Woody Guthrie. As part of the centenary celebration, Smithsonian Folkways released a 3-CD box set, also called Woody at 100, that included some previously unreleased recordings discovered by the Smithsonian Folkways label.
When Guthrie died in 1967, he was little-known by the general public, a cult figure among folkies and radicals. Today, his name and his songs are widely celebrated. Several of his songs (including "Bling Blang," "Riding in My Car," "Howdi Doo," "Mail Myself To You," "Happy Hanukah" and "This Land is Your Land") have been turned into children's books. His songs have been collected in a number of books and he is the subject of bio-pic film and several documentaries.
Since Joe Klein's Woody Guthrie: A Life appeared in 1980, a growing number of authors have examined the life and the legend, including Ed Cray (Ramblin' Man: The Life and Times of Woody Guthrie), Will Kaufman (Woody Guthrie: American Radical), Robert Santelli (This Land Is Your Land: Woody Guthrie and the Journey of an American Folk Song), Ronald Cohen (Woody Guthrie: Writing America's Songs), and Nora Guthrie (My Name is New York: Ramblin' Around Woody Guthrie's Town).
Guthrie was posthumously inducted into the National Songwriters' Hall of Fame, the Nashville Songwriters' Hall of Fame, and the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame. In 2000 he was honored with the Grammy Lifetime Achievement Award. In 2012, the Los Angeles City Council named the intersection of Fifth and Main streets, not far from Skid Row, where he once lived, "Woody Guthrie Square." His "Roll On Columbia" is now Washington State's official song and "Oklahoma Hills" is the official song of his native state.
One week ago, I was honoured to receive an "Izzy Award" for "outstanding achievement in independent media and journalism." The annual award, which this year also went to David Sirota for his groundbreaking investigations into political corruption in the U.S. pension system, is named after the great muckraker I.F. Stone ("Izzy" to his friends).
One week ago, I was honoured to receive an "Izzy Award" for "outstanding achievement in independent media and journalism." The annual award, which this year also went to David Sirota for his groundbreaking investigations into political corruption in the U.S. pension system, is named after the great muckraker I.F. Stone ("Izzy" to his friends).
In past years, the award has gone to people who do a far better job of embodying the legacy of Stone's investigative reporting than I (Glenn Greenwald and Jeremy Scahill among them). But as I said at the ceremony at Ithaca College, I doubt the judges have given the honour to anyone whose grandparents would have been more thrilled. Without fail, my late grandfather Philip Klein would read I.F. Stone's Weekly to my late grandmother Annie while she knitted some new creation.
In preparation for the ceremony, I read some of Stone's environmental writing, and came across a piece that seems very worth sharing today. It's the speech he gave on April 22, 1970--the very first Earth Day. Never one to mince words, Stone's speech was titled "Con Games."
Picture the scene: it's the Sylvan Theater on the grounds of the National Monument in Washington, D.C. Millions have participated in Earth Day events across the country and thousands are now gathered on the National Mall to listen to music (including Pete Seeger and Phil Ochs) and hear rally speeches from political heavyweights.
It is in this joyous and self-congratulatory atmosphere that a curmudgeonly I.F. Stone, by now a full-fledged icon on the left, takes the stage. And he unapologetically rains on the parade, accusing Earth Day of providing cover for escalating war and calling for a movement willing to demand "enormous changes--psychological, military, and bureaucratic--to end the existing world system, a system of hatred, of anarchy, of murder, of war and pollution."
Not everything about the speech stands the test of time (as we now know, the threats posed by pollution are far more dire than mere "litter"). But what Stone saw clearly, and what bears repeating four and half decades later, is that the ecological movement will get nowhere if it fails to connect the dots with other overlapping crises facing our society, from racism to militarism to inequality. Stone wasn't saying that pollution was irrelevant--simply that it "is not going to be solved in isolation."
Amen to that. So on this Earth Day, let's hear it for Izzy, and for all the others willing to crash the most comfortable parties.
I.F. Stone, "Con Games," speech delivered at Sylvan Theater, Washington, D.C., April 22, 1970
In the ancient world, the Caesars did it with bread and circuses. And tonight, I'm afraid, is the first time that our Caesars have learned to do it with rock and roll, and idealism, and noninflammatory social issues. In some ways, I'm sorry to say, we here tonight are being conned. This has many of the aspects of a beautiful snow job. The country is slipping into a wider war in southeast Asia, and we're talking about litterbugs. The secretary of defense, on Monday, made a speech to the Associated Press sabotaging the SALT talks, presenting a completely false picture of the world balance of power, ending what little hope we had of progress in those talks, preparing the way for a bigger, more expensive arms race at the expensive of mankind, and we're talking as if we needed more wastebaskets.
The divisions of white and black in this country are getting to the point where they threaten our future, and we're talking about pollution. And it's not that pollution is not an important subject, but if the Nixon administration feels so deeply about it, why don't they do something substantial about it?
One important thing about this town is that you can never take very seriously what the officials say. They're the prisoners of a vast bureaucracy. Much of what they say is merely rationalization of their lack of momentum. But in particular, the president said, and I think quite rightfully and quite truthfully, that in the next ten years it's now or never for the air we breathe and the water we drink. And then, after making that speech, he put in a budget in which 52 cents out of every general revenue dollar goes to the military, and barely four-tenths of one cent goes to air and water pollution. And that's a real con game. And that's a real snow job.
We are spending, on new weapons systems alone, more than ten times as much, in this coming fiscal year, in the Nixon budget, than we're going to spend on air and water. We're spending a billion dollars more a year on space than all our expenditure on natural resources. The priorities of this government are lunatic--absolutely lunatic. And we're not going to save the air we breathe and the water we drink without very many fundamental changes in governmental policy and governmental structure.
Before I came down here tonight, I heard a TV announcer say with great satisfaction that he hadn't heard a word said about Vietnam all day. Well, I'm going to say a word about Vietnam. We're not going to be able to save our air and our water, and the resources of our country, for our children and our grandchildren, until we end the militarization of our society, until we bring to an end the effort of American imperialism to rule the world and to waste our resources and our honor and our kids on a futile and murderous and insane task.
The problem of pollution is not going to be solved in isolation. The basic and most important pollution problem that we have to deal with is to prevent the pollution of the atmosphere of free discussion by the Nixon-Agnew-Mitchell administration. A society can only progress and deal with its evils if it is prepared to allow the widest measure of free speech, including free speech for radicals who are completely opposed to the basis of that society. Any society allows you to agree with the government. A free society allows you to disagree fundamentally. And it takes a lot of disagreement, and a lot of hollering and a lot of demonstration, to shake any establishment out of its accustomed ways. And the main menace to the solution of these problems is an administration that thinks they will go away if they just put a few radicals in jail.
The problems are enormous. The source of pollution is man. And man's technology. And the enormous institutions he has built up that make him a prisoner. And somehow we've got to shake loose. And the biggest menace--the institution that ties us down most--that wastes our substance--that threatens to waste more of our youth--is that great big, five-sided building across the Potomac--the Pentagon. They are preparing to do to us at home what they tried to do in Vietnam.
Only this week, General Wheeler, the retiring chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, gave an interview to U.S. News and World Report in which he said that criticism of the military was due to a Communist plot. This is an effort of the military to revive McCarthyism, to preserve its enormous power and privileges in our society. And until its power is broken, until the military is reduced sharply in size, we're not going to be able to solve these problems.
You know, there is no use talking about Earth Day unless we are prepared to make these fundamental changes. Everybody's talking about Earth Day, and it comes out of the mouths of so many hypocrites it turns your stomach. What kind of an Earth Day can we celebrate in a country that is spending so much of its money to destroy the Earth? How can we talk of reverence for life when we're spending so much on our enemy, our genius, our money, and our youth on building up new means of destroying life?
What's the use of talking about the pollution of air and water when we live under a precarious balance of terror which can, in an hour's time, make the entire Northern Hemisphere of our planet unlivable? There's no use talking about Earth Day until we begin to think like Earthmen. Not as Americans and Russians, not as blacks and whites, not as Jews and Arabs, but as fellow travelers on a tiny planet in an infinite universe. All that we can muster of kindness, of compassion, of patience, of thoughtfulness, is necessary if this tiny planet of ours is not to go down to destruction. Until we have a leadership willing to make the enormous changes--psychological, military, and bureaucratic--to end the existing world system, a system of hatred, of anarchy, of murder, of war and pollution, there is no use talking about buying more wastebaskets or spending a couple of hundred million dollars on the Missouri River. If we do not challenge these fundamental causes of peril, we will be conned by the establishment while basic decisions are being made over which we have very little control, though they endanger everything on which our future and the world's depend.
In the most recent Coen brothers film, Inside Llewyn Davis, the protagonist -- a struggling Greenwich Village folksinger in 1961 -- is based, very loosely, on Dave Van Ronk, a little-known (outside folk music circles) but influential folk-singer who helped define the folk music revival of the late fifties, and mentored the young Bob Dylan and others during the early 1960s when what Van Ronk called the "great folk scare" took off. To understand the atmosphere of that music scene, the Coens relied on Van Ronk's memoir (coauthored with Elijah Wald), The Mayor of McDougall Street. Van Ronk recounts his serious involvement with various left-wing factions of the period.
The 1960s folk music scene was a chapter in a long story, one that began decades earlier and that continues today as a new generation of singers and songwriters connect -- directly and indirectly -- to the burgeoning progressive movements that are rippling across the country.
Seeger became the most influential folk artist of the 20th century. The songs he wrote, including the anti-war tunes "Where Have All the Flowers Gone?," "If I Had a Hammer," and "Turn, Turn, Turn," and those he has popularized, including "This Land Is Your Land," "Guantanamera," "Wimoweh," and "We Shall Overcome," have become global anthems for people fighting for freedom.
The freedom song movement was echoed in the performances of many African American and white artists as the civil rights struggle continued. A number of black rhythm-and-blues and soul performers who emerged from the world of gospel music spread the movement gospel to vast audiences, among them Sam Cooke ("A Change Is Gonna Come," 1964), Aretha Franklin ("Respect," 1967), James Brown ("Say It Loud -- I'm Black and Proud," 1968) and Marvin Gaye "What's Going On," 1971). Meanwhile, jazz artists like Max Roach, Art Blakey and Nina Simone created musical masterpieces with political themes that became permanent cultural legacies.
In the early sixties, a new generation of folk troubadours emerged, determined to link their music and the struggles for social justice. In the streets, folk clubs and campuses of major cities, singer-songwriters wrote "topical" songs about specific events, songs about the mood of alienation and anger in the country, and new protest anthems. Some performed at fundraisers and political rallies. Dylan, Joan Baez, Odetta and Peter Paul and Mary performed at the 1963 March on Washington, serving as a cultural bridge between the Southern movement and the emerging student movement on northern campuses.
Baez joined Martin Luther King on his 1965 march in Alabama, from Selma to Montgomery. She later joined Cesar Chavez during his twenty-four-day fast to draw attention to the farmworkers' union struggle, and she participated in a Christmas vigil outside San Quentin State Prison, California, to oppose capital punishment. In 1964, as the campus New Left was burgeoning, she sang at a Free Speech Movement rally in Sproul Plaza, leading hundreds of students to occupy the administration building at the University of California, Berkeley.
As the war in Vietnam escalated, Baez encouraged young men to resist the draft. In 1967 she was twice arrested for blocking military induction centers. She boldly performed the classic labor song, "I Dreamed I Saw Joe Hill Last Night," at the 1969 Woodstock festival, making the song and the Joe Hill legend available to young people decades after Hill's 1915 execution and after the song's creation by Earl Robinson in 1936. During the 1980s Baez spoke out against South Africa's apartheid system and featured Peter Gabriel's song about antiapartheid activist Steven Biko at her concerts. In 1987 she traveled to Israel, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank to sing peace songs with Jews and Arabs. She has devoted much of her performance career as a bridge between American audiences and freedom struggles in many parts of the world.
The second wave of feminism and the emerging environmental movements inspired performers, too. Leslie Gore's "You Don't Own Me" (1964) and Helen Reddy's "I Am Woman" (1971) were commercial pop hits with feminist themes, while a wave of "womyn's music" took root, led by Holly Near, Meg Christian and others, popularized via concerts, festivals and records. An outstanding catalog of feminist and gay rights music spanning decades can be accessed at Lady Slipper Music.
Ani DiFranco has created her own independent record company (Righteous Babe) to sustain her independence from corporate cultural machinery while building a passionate fan base. Ben Harper has used his celebrity as a folk/blues/soul/gospel/reggae/rock artist, with several Grammy awards to his credit, to support progressive political causes, including the 2004 "Vote for Change" concert tour to benefit MoveOn.Org, support for jailed Burmese prodemocracy advocate and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi and No Nukes. One of the most prolific and engaged performers is David Rovics, whose hundreds of songs range from episodes of movement history to topical comment on immediate issues Roy Zimmerman uses parody and satire to create songs that both jab at ruling elites and inspire people to seek a better world.
Despite occasional media laments that "protest music is dead," a new generation of performers has been revitalizing music's links to movements, often self-consciously modeled on the folk singers of the past. Tom Morello has played an important role in building bridges between the music and movements of the Millennial generation. He began his career with the punk rock group Rage against the Machine, and now performs on his own, channeling the Guthrie and Seeger tradition. He was a constant presence at the protests in Madison, Wisconsin in early 2011 and at the Occupy Wall Street protests later that year. The Madison protests inspired daily solidarity sing-alongs in or at the Capitol building, sometimes resulting in arrests. Their Facebook page keeps running accounts of their daily activity and they have issued a CD of
Madison Solidarity songs -- parodies of classic labor and other songs
In May 2012, Morello fired up a large crowd at a Chicago protest rally organized by the National Nurses union and other progressive groups, calling for a "Robin Hood" tax and other demands. Morello has performed at rallies to support the burgeoning protests of low-wage fast-food and Walmart workers that have mushroomed across the country in the past two years. Some of Morello's labor songs can be found on union websites and on YouTube.
The Occupy movement inspired a great deal of music tied to the growing concern over widening inequality. This includes a four CD compilation of Occupy-related songs, many of which are accessible on YouTube and other internet sites.
The Occupy ferment inspired a lot of creative work by established performers, including singer-guitarist Ry Cooder, best known for reviving the careers of long-forgotten Cuban musicians through his film and record, The Buena Vista Social Club. In 2011 he released "No Banker Left Behind" and the following year put out his "Election Special" album that included such topical songs as "The Wall Street Part of Town," and "The 90 and the 9."
Many people identify the song "De Colores" with the United Farm Workers movement of the 1960s and 1970s. The recent upsurge of immigrant rights' protests has inspired a new generation of songs, including a two-CD compilation called Border Songs, about the plight of immigrants, by such veteran performers as Tigres del Norte, Tish Hinajosa and Lila Downs.
The Labor Heritage Foundation lists over 200 CDs devoted to songs from and about the labor movement. Based on that listing alone, it is safe to bet that there's never been so much labor singing, including a growing number of labor choruses in Seattle, New York, Washington, DC and elsewhere.
The emergence of YouTube and other new technologies has blurred the lines between commercial and non-commercial music and made it easier for performers to spread their music. It has also facilitated the global use of song in mass protest-- in Spain, Egypt and elsewhere -- and thus encouraged mass singing as part of these movements.
The new means of cultural production are complex and variegated. It is impossible to keep track of the many ways music and protest are now intertwined. What is undeniable is that whenever and wherever people are gathering, mobilizing and fighting back, the tradition of protest music will continue.
The massive storm that ravaged Haiti, Cuba, and much of the east coast of the United States may be the 'shock and awe' of climate change's permanent war against the U.S. (it attacked the rest of the world much earlier). Some argued that the storm's ferocity was the great equalizer, that rich as well as poor were left without power, that luxury townhouses were swept aside along with seaside shacks.
The massive storm that ravaged Haiti, Cuba, and much of the east coast of the United States may be the 'shock and awe' of climate change's permanent war against the U.S. (it attacked the rest of the world much earlier). Some argued that the storm's ferocity was the great equalizer, that rich as well as poor were left without power, that luxury townhouses were swept aside along with seaside shacks. But that ignores the stark reality of the wealth-poverty divide in this country - laid newly bare by the storm.

Who will be able to rebuild? Whose lives will be permanently destroyed? In New York, probably the most unequal city in this country, the collapse of infrastructure under the relentless pounding of hurricane-force wind and rain was not an equal opportunity catastrophe. Without the subways, people of means could join the endless lines for crowded taxis - poor people walked. With banks and finance companies and the stock market closed, salaried employees continued to collect their paychecks - poor people who couldn't get to low-wage hourly-paid jobs didn't get paid. Do we really think that the rebuilding of the opulent high-rises of Manhattan's Battery Park will take as long, and leave their residents as desperate, as the reconstruction - or even repair - of the Jacob Reiss Houses, the largest public housing project in Red Hook, Brooklyn?
This storm provides a broad test for the capacity and the legitimacy of government: Will its response provide for people's most basic needs, or will it lay bare, as did Katrina, the racism, poverty, and disempowerment that still shapes so many lives in this country? On the immediate level, Sandy poses a challenge to the presidential election as well: whether the moment calls for mobilization of every facet of public and government capability, or whether people should be encouraged to rely on the largesse of the private sector and church-based charity. And in the longer term, the super-storm challenges all our movements to fight with renewed commitment to realize Rachel Carson's vision of the human right to a safe environment.
In the meantime, for those of us in this country unaccustomed to the immediacy and implacability of war, the destruction of much of New Jersey and lower Manhattan, gives us a hint of what it might have been like in Iraq, almost ten years ago, when "shock and awe" attacks destroyed power generators, electrical plants, water treatment facilities - suddenly rendering the once-modern city of Baghdad, with its skyscrapers and highways, silent and dark. For those on the 20th floor of Manhattan apartment buildings, the struggle to find water, and a way to lug it upstairs without elevators, could not have been so different than that faced by Iraq's high-rise dwellers.
And then there are the Elections...
While I was in New York for the Russell Tribunal on Palestine (see below), I did an episode of Tavis Talks, Tavis Smiley's TV show, focusing on the foreign policy issues shaping the debates and the election. Much of it was about the similarities between the two candidates, on the global war on terror, on Palestine-Israel, on Afghanistan. But we also talked about one of the few areas where there are significant differences - the threat of war against Iran. There, where the stakes are sky-high and both candidates use the language of threatened force, there is a significant difference in timing. A two-year or longer delay when the so-called "red line" is reached, could allow time to build a movement powerful enough to prevent a military strike at all.
We also got into an extensive discussion about the killing of Osama bin Laden. I told Tavis I did not think it was something to be proud of, that if we were indeed a nation of laws that deliberate assassination, even someone widely accepted as guilty of a horrific crime, rather than attempting an arrest of the unarmed subject, was a point of shame, not of pride. He asked what I would tell those whose response would be the accusation that I am "anti-American," and I had a great chance to tell him. Watch it here.
In a similar vein, I had a discussion with Paul Jay of The Real News Network about the elections, and what they do and don't mean for U.S. democracy and for our efforts to change the world in far deeper, more structural ways. It was about where the candidates do and don't differ, especially on foreign policy, and what it means to say that one's vote aims to limit the power of the most dangerous forces. Especially when we recognize that U.S. elections, especially presidential elections, are not our turf, they're not our people, they're not our choices - and so they can never be our main work.
A young writer, 21 years old, saw that interview, and wrote to me angrily disagreeing with my position. In my first piece as a guest blogger for The Nation, I quoted from our conversation.
Among other things, he said "We young people understand that the political theater of electoral politics will not bring about the radical transformations required to avert environmental and economic catastrophe."
And of course he's absolutely right. Anyone who thinks that choosing a "better" leader for the U.S. empire will somehow bring about "radical transformations" has been watching too many campaign infomercials. Only powerful social movements can do that. We have to fight for democracy and we have to build our movements--choosing a presidential candidate doesn't accomplish either one.
I went on to describe the differences that do and don't exist between the two candidates and parties, along with some ideas about what the consequences would be for a victory of each one, given that none of the third parties have a chance to win. And then I went on to say that this election isn't about choosing our hopes and dreams, but that
...it's about keeping the worst from gaining even more power than they already have, so we can get on with the real work of building movements. If you want to call that the "lesser-evil" theory, fine. There's an old saying that when you're drowning, and the water is rising up over your mouth, that last half-inch before it reaches your nose is a half-inch of life and death. Especially if you're short--or in this case, especially if you're poor.
This election, regardless of who wins, will not solve the problems of this country and the world. We have to build movements powerful enough to take on the challenges of climate change, war, poverty, inequality. But we should be clear, there are significant differences between the two parties and the two candidates; while neither are our allies, one will make our work of building movements even more difficult, will threaten even more of our shredded civil liberties, and will put even more people around the world at much greater risk.
You can read the rest of it here. About how the candidates are not equal, that there are some large domestic differences (on women's rights, the Supreme Court, LGBTQ issues, immigration, and other issues) and why even small differences matter when you're at the bottom of the economic/political hierarchy - like poor people here in the United States, or Iranians in their own country.
But I've been stunned to read the attacks on me for this position. Because at the end of the day, and as I have consistently maintained, our most important work happens the day after the election - whoever gets elected. So yes, elections matter a lot. But more important than the election is our work to build our movements before, during, and after the election. I talked with Omar Baddar about how social movements are really the only thing that change the world, and what it takes to build and strengthen them. The video is a bit of a primer on how people make movements and how those movements create new people at the same time.
Afghanistan: The War No Candidate Wants to Talk About
One of the issues on which both candidates and both parties seem to agree is the U.S. war in Afghanistan - now eleven years on, and the longest U.S. war in history. It is a war for a goal no one can define, a war whose "victory" cannot be described, a war for rationales that change on a whim, with the seasons, depending on who is talking. It is, as I've quoted before, the essence of what Phil Ochs described as "a war we lost before the war began."
And yet the war continues. We have 68,000 U.S. troops occupying Afghanistan, another 40,000 NATO troops, almost 100,000 U.S.-paid contractors backing up the troops. And for what? We are told - and here Obama and Romney agree - the United States is winding down its combat role, though not planning an end to a continuing long-term presence of U.S. troops, training missions, special forces operations, and U.S. bases across Afghanistan for an indefinite period after 2014. Casualties among Afghan civilians continue to rise.
At some point in the last few months the number of U.S. military death toll passed 2,000. It is perhaps telling that no one in the mainstream media or official Washington circles could really confirm when that tragic marker was reached. The Washington Post and BusinessWeek reported it was reached in the first week of October, a few days earlier the New York Times actually said it had been reached last August, and CBS News reported it last June. I talked about the death toll - Afghan and U.S. - as well as the "insider" killings that are taking such a huge toll of U.S. troops, the cost of the war, and more, with Amy Goodman on Democracy Now! a couple of weeks ago.
Palestine - Occupation & Apartheid Worsen, the U.S. Enables, the UN Fails, Civil Society Moves to the Center
It has been a point of faith in both parties that their candidate's position on Israel is polar opposite of the other - the Romney camp maintains Obama threw Israel under a bus, Obama backers brag the Israeli president says Obama has done more for Israel than any other U.S. leader. In fact, there is little difference between the two on Palestine. Both have accepted the Israeli view that Iran, decimated by sanctions and without a nuclear weapon or a program to build one, somehow represents an "existential threat" to Israel, and thus for at least two years no one in Washington has even hinted at a demand that Israel stop building settlements, end the siege of Gaza, cease its "targeted" assassination of Palestinians, etc.
The Obama administration added an additional billion dollars this year, for Israel's Iron Dome anti-missile system, on top of the already-allocated $3.1 billion in U.S. military aid. Romney brags that there would never be a question about his Israel policy because he would simply call his "old friend" (and former financial industry colleague) Bibi Netanyahu and ask what Bibi wants him to say and do.
Iran policy (in which Israel remains central) is probably the biggest area of difference between Obama and Romney. Threatening military force through a "red line" is illegal under any military law. But there is a huge difference between saying that a "red line" to prevent "nuclear weapons capability," which Iran has arguably already reached, is far more dangerous than a "red line" against Iran having a nuclear weapon - especially when all 16 U.S. intelligence agencies agree Iran does not have, is not building, and has not even decided whether it wants a nuclear weapon.
But the other Israel question - Palestine - is probably the area where the difference between the two candidates is smallest. Despite the rhetoric, neither diverges from the failed "peace process" that is now 21 years old, and neither acknowledged any other possible U.S. position. In a recent television interview, I talked about the impact on the elections of Israel and U.S. middle east policy.
As a result of U.S. pressure, the United Nations, too, remains paralyzed, unable to summon the political will to challenge the U.S.-dominated "peace process" and replace it with new, UN-controlled diplomatic negotiations.
And with the UN unable to play the role its Charter mandates, civil society once again takes over. The Russell Tribunal on Palestine recently concluded its fourth and final set of hearings in New York. This session focused on the complicity of the United States and the United Nations in Israeli violations of international law, UN resolutions and human rights. As in earlier sessions (Barcelona focusing on the role of Europe, Cape Town on Israeli apartheid, and London on corporate responsibility), the judges are a group of eminent international intellectuals, activists, lawyers, and more, including South African anti-apartheid legend Ronnie Kasrils, public intellectual Angela Davis, poet Alice Walker, Native American activist Dennis Banks, Nobel peace laureate Mairead Maguire, and Stephane Hessel, the beloved French intellectual, holocaust survivor and resistance hero who at 94 continues to play a major role in supporting Palestinian rights.
I was honored to participate, speaking in the closing session of the Tribunal. The jury's final report, bringing together all the information from dozens of experts during the four international sessions, will be finished very soon. The Tribunal represents one more component of the complex of civil society actions and mobilizations aimed at supporting Palestinian human rights and equality when the powerful governments and indeed the political core of the United Nations itself remain unwilling and/or unable to do so.
Fnally, another example of those standing up to the failures of the United States and the United Nations: The UN's own Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Professor Richard Falk, presented his most recent report to the General Assembly in New York last week. His opening reminder to the assembled ambassadors that Israel continues to deny Falk access to the Occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem, highlighted the decades of absolute control over the Palestinian population that Israeli occupation means.
But despite his lack of access, Falk's report provided some of the most comprehensive analysis available* on the current conditions, with special emphasis on the role played by corporations, both Israeli and foreign-owned, in strengthening the occupation and the militarization of Israel that continues to have such a deleterious effect on Palestinian life. He discussed 13 corporations, including Caterpillar, Veolia, Hewlett-Packard, Motorola and more, and in a significant step forward, he called for the companies to face boycotts until they ended their violations of international human rights standards. His call reflected both decades old General Assembly resolutions (1982 and 1983, after the Israeli invasion of Lebanon and the Sabra-Shatila massacre, then focusing on Israel's attempted annexation of the Syrian Golan Heights) that called for international arms embargoes and business as well as cultural boycotts of Israel until it ends its violations of international law, as well as the 2005 call for Boycotts, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) issued by Palestinian civil society. *The UN website was down following hurricane Sandy; it may be a few more days before it is accessible.
While refusing even to attend the General Assembly committee meeting at which the UN investigator presented his findings, U.S. Ambassador to the UN Susan Rice called Falk's recommendation of a boycott "irresponsible and unacceptable" and called his continued role as UN Special Rapporteur "deeply regrettable." Her statement reflected a longstanding pattern of U.S. attacks on Falk's work at the UN, a pattern encouraged by several small, otherwise insignificant non-governmental organizations whose programs appear limited to promoting Israeli interests and trying to undermine the United Nations. Without exception, however, the wide range of diplomats actually present at the General Assembly meeting welcomed Falk's report with approval and appreciation, some with enthusiasm, only one (the EU representative) noting a small disagreement on one point. Despite their efforts, it is Israel and the U.S. who are isolated in the United Nations, not those defending human rights.
We've come a long way, but we still have a lot of work to do!
Stay dry, stay safe, rebuild, GO VOTE - and keep working for justice.
July 4 is an occasion for Americans to express their patriotism. But the ways we do so are as diverse as our nation.

To some, patriotism means "my country -- right or wrong." To others, it means loyalty to a set of principles, and thus requires dissent and criticism when those in power violate those standards. As Martin Luther King said in a speech during the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955, "the great glory of American democracy is the right to protest for right."
President George W. Bush expressed the first version, questioning the patriotism of anyone who challenged his war on terrorism. In his 2001 State of the Union address, for example, Bush claimed, "You're either with us, or with the terrorists." He introduced the Patriot Act to codify this view, giving the government new powers to suppress dissent. (The anti-war movement countered with bumper stickers illustrated with an American flag that proclaimed "Peace is Patriotic.")
In contrast, President Barack Obama has said: "I have no doubt that, in the face of impossible odds, people who love their country can change it." He observed that, "Loving your country shouldn't just mean watching fireworks on the 4th of July. Loving your country must mean accepting your responsibility to do your part to change it. If you do, your life will be richer, our country will be stronger."
The flag, as a symbol of the nation, is not owned by the administration in power, but by the people. We battle over what it means, but all Americans -- across the political spectrum -- have an equal right to claim the flag as their own.
Progressives understand that people can disagree with their government and still love their country and its ideals.
Indeed, throughout U.S. history, many American radicals and progressive reformers have proudly asserted their patriotism. To them, America stood for basic democratic values -- economic and social equality, mass participation in politics, free speech and civil liberties, elimination of the second-class citizenship of women and racial minorities, a welcome mat for the world's oppressed people. The reality of corporate power, right-wing xenophobia, and social injustice only fueled progressives' allegiance to these principles and the struggle to achieve them.
Most Americans are unaware that much of our patriotic culture -- including many of the leading symbols and songs -- was created by people with decidedly progressive sympathies.
For example, the Pledge of Allegiance was authored and promoted by Francis Bellamy, a leading Christian socialist. Bellamy penned the Pledge of Allegiance in 1892 to celebrate the 400th anniversary of Christopher Columbus' discovery of America by promoting use of the flag in public schools.
It was the Gilded Age, an era of major political and social conflict. Reformers were outraged by the widening gap between rich and poor, and the behavior of corporate robber barons who were exploiting workers, gouging consumers, and corrupting politics with their money. Workers were organizing unions. Farmers joined forces in the Populist movement to leash the power of banks, railroads, and utility companies. Progressive reformers fought for child labor laws, against slum housing, and in favor of women's suffrage. Radicals were gaining new converts.
In foreign affairs, Americans were battling over the nation's role in the world. America was beginning to act like an imperial power, justifying its expansion with a combination of white supremacy, manifest destiny, and spreading democracy. At the time, nativist groups in the North and Midwest as well as the South were pushing for restrictions on immigrants -- Catholics, Jews, and Asians -- deemed to be polluting Protestant America. In the South, the outcome of the Civil War still inflamed regional passions. Many Southerners, including Civil War veterans, swore allegiance to the Confederate flag.
Bellamy (cousin of best-selling radical writer Edward Bellamy) believed that unbridled capitalism, materialism, and individualism betrayed America's promise. He hoped the Pledge of Allegiance would promote a different moral vision to counter the rampant greed he thought was undermining the nation. Bellamy initially intended to use the phrase "liberty, fraternity and equality," but concluded that the radical rhetoric of the French Revolution wouldn't sit well with many Americans. So he coined the phrase, "one nation indivisible with liberty and justice for all," intending it to express a more egalitarian vision of America, a secular patriotism to help unite a divided nation.
Or consider the lines inscribed on the Statue of Liberty: "Give me your tired, your poor/Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free." Emma Lazarus was a poet of considerable reputation in her day, who was a strong supporter of Henry George and his "socialistic" single-tax program, and a friend of William Morris, a leading British socialist. Her welcome to the "wretched refuse" of the earth, written in 1883, was an effort to project an inclusive and egalitarian definition of the American Dream.
And there was Katharine Lee Bates, a professor of English at Wellesley College. Bates was an accomplished and published poet, whose book America the Beautiful and Other Poems includes a sequence of poems expressing outrage at U.S. imperialism in the Philippines. A member of progressive-reform circles in the Boston area, concerned about labor rights, urban slums and women's suffrage, an ardent feminist, for decades she lived with and loved her Wellesley colleague Katharine Coman, an economist and social activist.
"America the Beautiful," written in 1893, not only speaks to the beauty of the American continent but also reflects her view that U.S. imperialism undermines the nation's core values of freedom and liberty. The poem's final words -- "and crown thy good with brotherhood, from sea to shining sea" -- are an appeal for social justice rather than the pursuit of wealth.
In the Depression years and during World War 2, the fusion of populist, egalitarian and anti-racist values with patriotic expression reached full flower.
Langston Hughes' poem, "Let America Be America Again," written in 1936, contrasted the nation's promise with its mistreatment of his fellow African-Americans, the poor, Native Americans, workers, farmers and immigrants:
O, let my land be a land where Liberty Is crowned with no false patriotic wreath, But opportunity is real, and life is free, Equality is in the air we breathe.
In 1939, composer Earl Robinson teamed with lyricist John La Touche to write "Ballad for Americans," which was performed on the CBS radio network by Paul Robeson, accompanied by chorus and orchestra. This 11-minute cantata provided a musical review of American history, depicted as a struggle between the "nobody who's everybody" and an elite that fails to understand the real, democratic essence of America.
Robeson, at the time one of the best-known performers on the world stage, became, through this work, a voice of America. Broadcasts and recordings of "Ballad for Americans" (by Bing Crosby as well as Robeson) were immensely popular. In the summer of 1940, it was performed at the national conventions of both the Republican and Communist parties. The work soon became a staple in school choral performances, but it was literally ripped out of many public school songbooks after Robinson and Robeson were identified with the radical left and blacklisted during the McCarthy period. Since then, however, "Ballad for Americans" has been periodically revived, notably during the bicentennial celebration in 1976, when a number of pop and country singers performed it in concerts and on TV.
Aaron Copland's "Fanfare for the Common Man" and "A Lincoln Portrait," both written in 1942, are now patriotic musical standards, regularly performed at major civic events. Few Americans know that Copland was a member of a radical composers' group.
Many Americans consider Woody Guthrie's song "This Land Is Your Land," penned in 1940, to be our unofficial national anthem. Guthrie, a radical, was inspired to write the song as an answer to Irving Berlin's popular "God Bless America," which he thought failed to recognize that it was the "people" to whom America belonged.
The words to "This Land Is Your Land" reflect Guthrie's assumption that patriotism and support for the underdog were interconnected. In this song, Guthrie celebrated America's natural beauty and bounty, but criticized the country for its failure to share its riches. This is reflected in the song's last and least-known verse, which Pete Seeger and Bruce Springsteen included when they performed the song in January 2009 at a pre-inaugural concert in front of the Lincoln Memorial, with President-elect Obama in the audience:
One bright sunny morning in the shadow of the steeple By the relief office I saw my people. As they stood hungry I stood there wondering If this land was made for you and me.
During the 1960s, American progressives continued to seek ways to fuse their love of country with their opposition to the government's policies. The March on Washington in 1963 gathered at the Lincoln Memorial, where Martin Luther King Jr. famously quoted the words to "My Country 'Tis of Thee," repeating the phrase "Let freedom ring" 11 times.
Phil Ochs, then part of a new generation of politically conscious singer-songwriters who emerged during the 1960s, wrote an anthem in the Guthrie vein, "The Power and the Glory," that coupled love of country with a strong plea for justice and equality. The words to the chorus echo the sentiments of the anti-Vietnam War movement:
Here is a land full of power and glory; Beauty that words cannot recall; Oh her power shall rest on the strength of her freedom Her glory shall rest on us all.
One of its stanzas updated Guthrie's combination of outrage and patriotism:
Yet she's only as rich as the poorest of her poor; Only as free as the padlocked prison door; Only as strong as our love for this land; Only as tall as we stand.
This song later became part of the repertoire of the U.S. Army band.
And in 1968, in a famous anti-war speech, Norman Thomas, the aging leader of the Socialist Party, proclaimed, "I come to cleanse the American flag, not burn it."
In recent decades, Bruce Springsteen has most closely followed in the Guthrie tradition. From "Born in the USA," to his songs about Tom Joad (the militant protagonist in John Steinbeck's The Grapes of Wrath), to his anthem about the 9/11 tragedy ("Empty Sky"), to his most latest album Wrecking Ball (including its opening song, "We Take Care of Our Own"), Springsteen has championed the downtrodden while challenging America to live up to its ideals.
Steve ("Little Stevie") Van Zandt is best known as the guitarist with Springsteen's E Street Band and for his role as Silvio Dante, Tony Soprano's sidekick on the TV show, "The Sopranos." But his most enduring legacy should be his love song about America, "I Am a Patriot," including these lyrics:
I am a patriot, and I love my country, Because my country is all I know. Wanna be with my family, People who understand me. I got no place else to go.
And I ain't no communist,
And I ain't no socialist,
And I ain't no capitalist,
And I ain't no imperialist,
And I ain't no Democrat,
Sure ain't no Republican either,
I only know one party,
And that is freedom.
Since the American Revolution, each generation of progressives has expressed an American patriotism rooted in democratic values that challenged jingoism and "my country -- right or wrong" thinking. They rejected blind nationalism, militaristic drum beating, and sheep-like conformism.
Throughout the United States' history, they have viewed their movements -- abolition of slavery, farmers' populism, women's suffrage, workers' rights, civil rights, environmentalism, gay rights, and others -- as profoundly patriotic. They believed that America's core claims -- fairness, equality, freedom, justice -- were their own.
America now confronts a new version of the Gilded Age, brought upon by Wall Street greed and corporate malfeasance. In the midst of a recession, the gap between rich and poor is still widening. Although the economy has improved in recent years, Americans are feeling more economically insecure than at any time since the Depression. They are upset by the unbridled selfishness and political influence-peddling demonstrated by banks, oil companies, drug companies, insurance companies, and other large corporations. They are angry at the growing power of American-based global firms who show no loyalty to their country, outsource jobs to low-wage countries, avoid paying taxes, and pollute the environment.
Sam Walton, the founder of Walmart, America's largest corporation, promoted the motto "Buy American." But today the retail giant, now owned by his heirs, imports most of its merchandise from Asia, much of it made under sweatshop conditions. (Ironically, most American flags are made in China.)
We are, once again, battling over immigration and who belongs in America. Some right-wing groups and talk-show pundits, calling themselves patriots, are challenging the citizenship of our president.
These trends have triggered a growing grassroots movement -- reflected by Occupy Wall Street but involving a diverse coalition of community groups, unions, consumer advocates, and human rights activists -- demanding stronger regulations to protect consumers, workers, and the environment from abusive corporations, living wages, fairer trade, and higher taxes on the very rich to pay for better schools, safer roads, and student loans.
This movement, which embodies the idea of "liberty and justice for all," reflects America's tradition of progressive patriotism. It recognizes that conservatives have never had a monopoly on Old Glory.
Happy July 4th.
It shouldn't surprise anyone, but support for the longest U.S. war is dropping further and faster than ever. The latest national U.S. poll, released on May 9, shows 66 percent of Americans are against the war in Afghanistan - with 40 percent "strongly opposed."

We can expect to hear the usual spin, claims that it's a hard slog but Afghans are still better off and we have to finish what we started. That only the presence of our brave troops is giving the Afghan government and military the chance to consolidate their rule. That only our troops provide the possibility for stability and security in Afghanistan. That we have to stay to protect Afghan women.
But the reality is people have watched - and paid for - this war for more than eleven years now, and some facts just can't be spun anymore. Half of the 66 percent who oppose the war say that the presence of U.S. troops is actually hurting the people of Afghanistan more than they are helping. They're the ones who got it right.
U.S. troops urinate on the bodies of dead Afghans. U.S. troops burn Qu'rans. One or more U.S. troops goes on a murderous rampage killing 17 civilians, 9 of them children. U.S. troops photograph each other grinning with the body parts of dead Afghans draped over their shoulders. As for protecting women, according to Save the Children's new "State of the World's Mothers" report, Afghanistan is the second worst place in the world for a mother to give birth and try raise a child.
And the war has cost the lives of more than 1800 U.S. troops, killed unknown thousands of Afghans, and cost more than half a trillion dollars in taxpayers' money. That's not spin - those are the reasons that support for the illegal war continues to plummet. If that money ($571 billion according to the National Priorities Project) had not been wasted on the war in Afghanistan since 2001, it could instead have paid for ten years of health care for 12 million low-income people, or hired 840,000 elementary school teachers for ten years, or paid for converting 246 million households to all solar energy for a year.
Think those investments, or a brutal, useless war, would make us safer?
Only 27 percent of people in this country say they support the war now - the lowest number ever. Just a year ago 37 percent supported the war, and the year before that support in some polls was at 46 percent - almost half. And only 8 percent now "strongly" support the war.
Certainly there's an election connection to all this. Support for the war is dropping among Republicans too - to 37 percent backing the war, down from 58 percent just last year. That raises a lot of questions about whether Romney - or perhaps Republican congressional candidates, might decide to abandon the war, even if they loved it when George W. Bush launched it 11 years ago, and embrace the Republican majority who now oppose the war.
"The only solution now is to get out - now, not in 2014. And completely, not with thousands of troops continuing to occupy Afghanistan through 2014 and beyond."
For President Obama, the challenge may be even greater. This is his war now, it has been since January 20, 2009. But support for the war in his party (a slightly embarrassingly low 30 percent last year) has dropped to a humiliating 19 percent today. Does he really think he can re-energize his base with the claim that "I'm ending the war" when the reality of his plan is so well known? His plan for two more years of full-scale war in Afghanistan, followed by at least ten years of continued occupation by thousands (16,000? 20,000?) of special forces and "training" troops? Too many people know that's the reality of the agreement Obama signed with the U.S.-backed Afghan President Karzai last week. It's not an end to the war, it's simply changing the size and nature of the occupation.
Congresswoman Barbara Lee and the Progressive Caucus are leading an effort to gain support for HR 780, which would cut all funds to the Afghanistan war except money needed to safely withdraw all U.S. troops and contractors. It certainly reflects the vast majority of public opposition to the war - but it still faces a difficult battle. Many members of Congress are signing on, but far too many members are still afraid to use their Constitutional power of the purse to end this war. Too many - and they're not afraid of what will happen in Afghanistan, or what will happen to the troops (how better to keep them safe than to pull them out?). They're afraid of what their hometown headlines will say the next day.
We've largely won the battle for public opinion. The challenge now is to turn that transformation of public opinion into the transformation of policy. It's very late - but we have no choice but to continue to try.
The great songwriter Phil Ochs, in his masterful Viet Nam-era "White Boots Marching in a Yellow Land" also had Afghanistan right. "We're fighting in a war we lost before the war began." The main unspinnable fact is that whichever of the myriad of reasons, rationales, excuses and justifications for this war of vengeance one chooses, it was lost long ago. The only solution now is to get out - now, not in 2014. And completely, not with thousands of troops continuing to occupy Afghanistan through 2014 and beyond. Get Out. Now.
l eat, bye and bye,
In that glorious land above the sky;
Work and pray, live on hay,
You'll get pie in the sky when you die
- "The Preacher and the Slave", a parody hymn written by rebel singer and labor icon Joe Hill
Anyone who is a fan of Billy Bragg, as I am, or Bruce Springsteen, Bob Dylan, Pete Seeger, Woody Guthrie or the sixties protest singer Phil Ochs knows that radical America's greatest songwriter-educator Joe Hill is still alive in the young-in-heart on this besieged Labor Day.

Joe, a Swedish immigrant and wandering troubadour-troublemaker, was a "Wobbly", an agitating member of the One Big Union, the red flag International Workers of the World, a harum-scarum, mad-as-hell, happy-in-fellowship bunch of hoboes and gypsy workingmen who scared the pants off business leaders, pious church-goers, police chiefs, governors and all right-thinking citizens in the early part of the last century.
As a just published, terrific biography of Hill, The Man Who Never Died, by William Adler, makes clear yet again, Joe Hillstrom (ne Joel Hagglund, his birth name) was framed on a murder charge in Salt Lake City, Utah, strapped into a chair and shot by a firing squad.
In my house, wherever we moved, my mother always put up two pictures, the labour lawyer who once defended her, Clarence Darrow (after whom I'm named), and the seditious martyr Joe Hill. As Joe may have shrewdly deduced on his last day, when the guards came for him - and a possible reason why he refused to testify for himself at his rigged trial - he may have been more valuable to the movement as a bullet-punctured corpse than he would have been alive: a reminder that the class struggle for which he was surrendering his life was - and is - as undying as his legacy on this Labor Day, 2011.
My mother, a skilled craftswoman on a sweater-making machine, felt split between her conservative union motto, "A fair day's wage for a fair day's work" and the IWW's revolutionary preamble - "Abolition of the wage system is the historic mission of the working class to do away with capitalism." In her lifetime - she witnessed the 1911 Triangle Fire annihilation of 146 immigrant young women - most of her co-workers took the "class war" as a obvious fact of life; they held a consensus that, in the IWW's ringing words, "the working class and the employing class have nothing in common."
In pre-first world war America, the employing class had no ethical problem deploying federal and state troops to murder working people. The massacres at Ludlow, Cripple Creek, Thibodaux, Coeur d'Alene, Pullman, Everett and so many other bleeding grounds are burned into what's left of labor's institutional memory. Or as a New York judge told striking female garment workers, "You are on strike against God."
"The copper bosses killed you Joe
They shot you Joe, says I
Takes more than guns to kill a man
Says Joe I didn't die...
Joe Hill's IWW believed in head-on, confrontational direct action based on what we now fashionably call participatory democracy or self-management. Hence, you rolled into town in a box car and met spontaneously with other bindlestiffs and bums like yourself, and did what had to be done on a voice vote and no Roberts Rules of Order. You struck industrially, sabotaged when appropriate, and constantly tested the limits of free speech laws. Arrested en masse (and beaten, sometimes lynched), you whistled for your socialist, anarchist, what-the-hell comrades who poured in from all corners of the United States to fill the Podunk jails where you drove the sheriff and his deputies nuts with your tactics. One of which was to jump up and down in the jailhouse in unison until the flimsy wood structure broke apart around you as in a Buster Keaton movie.
The IWW was unique in its time for admitting African Americans, illegal immigrants, Asians and women - an inclusiveness that was revolutionary in its day. That's when labor really sang. Before Lieber and Stoller, before Irving Berlin and Tin Pan Alley, there was Joe Hill, who would, when the spirit moved him (usually in a bar or doss house), plunk-plunk a tune on his guitar, often a witty takeoff on a religious hymn or a current popular ditty. His verses, like "Rebel Girl", "There is Power in the Union" and "Casey Jones: Union Scab", soon included in the IWW's bestselling ten-cents-a-copy Little Red Songbook, became for workers - all over the world - their version of platinum. Wherever "wheat bums" (migrant farm workers), miners, railroad stiffs, dockers and sailors, the unemployed and hungry gathered, they sang their hearts out from the Little Red Song Book.
To "be union" was to sing songs at the top of your voice; melody, Marxism and militancy were braided into One Big Union.
Labor today doesn't have much to sing about. Organized labor - organized into structured unions tied to collective bargaining contracts, that is - is on the ropes. By all indices, Americans are working harder for less money - that is, when they are working at all. Unemployment and under-employment numbers at anywhere from 25 to 30 million, and the angry, unorganized jobless have yet to fight back except for the self-destructive manifestations of frustrated rage. Republicans in Congress hate the unemployed. If they could, they'd get rid of unemployment insurance altogether, which GOP minority whip Jon Kyl sneers at as a "disincentive for them to seek new work".
Kyl and his Republican and Blue Dog Democrat colleagues - direct descendants of Gilded Age barons who ordered workers shot down - with an enabling President Obama, who hasn't lifted a finger to help unions he once promised to meet on the picket line, have united to declare old-fashioned class war on working people. Joe Hill and his spirited IWW comrades like the "rebel girl" Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, anarchist Emma Goldman, Big Bill Haywood and Gene Debs would immediately get it. The same victims, same union-busting tactics only now with $1000-per-hour billable lawyers: and the same enemy.
Except that Joe Hill didn't believe in victims, only fighters. The day before his execution, he told friends:
"Tomorrow I expect to make a trip to the planet Mars and, if so, will immediately commence to organize the Mars canal workers into the IWW, and we will sing the good old songs so loud that the learned stargazers will once and for all get positive proof that the planet Mars is really inhabited ... Don't mourn for me - Organize!"
At its peak, the IWW could count on half a million supporters in the US. Today, albeit in the thousands, in the US, UK, Australia and Canada, they're the fighting young, between ages 20 and 30, with websites and strong hearts. And they're organizing - New York immigrant food workers, panhandlers in Vancouver, Chicago bike messengers, City of London cleaners - even at your favorite Starbucks.
You can't kill the spirit of Joe Hill.