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Directing state power against those who participate in movements for justice and equality undermines genuine efforts to confront all manifestations of bigotry and oppression while weakening democratic life.
In the past few months, the Trump administration has intensified its assault on political dissent. The September 25 release of National Security Presidential Memorandum 7, titled “Countering Domestic Terrorism and Organized Political Violence,” capitalized upon the shooting death of Turning Point USA leader Charlie Kirk and marked an alarming escalation in the regime’s suppression of political dissent in the name of national security.
The NSPM-7 memorandum casts a wide net by identifying a wide swath of previously protected criticisms of American policy, capitalism, Christian nationalism, and fascism as potential threats to US security. This language reveals the government’s effort to construct a political category of terrorism so broad that it can encompass nearly any form of progressive or left-aligned civil society work.
The intensifying campaign now unfolding against progressive movements in the United States did not arise overnight. It reflects an expansion of strategies that have been enacted since some of the country’s earliest days, with historical precedents in the US government’s attacks on anti-slavery movements, Civil Rights organizations, workers’ rights movements, and anti-war activists. NSPM-7 presents itself as a decisive response to domestic extremism, but in reality, it repurposes long-standing tools of state surveillance and criminalization, and directs them toward a broader range of political actors. By framing a wide spectrum of views that challenge the administration as potential state threats, it merges national security logic with partisan hostility.
The administration’s recent designation of several European anti-fascist groups as global terrorist entities, along with its earlier attack on the Palestinian civil society groups Al-Haq, the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR), and Al-Mezan, fits squarely into this same trajectory. It signals an effort to construct a transnational narrative in which resistance to authoritarian politics is reinterpreted as a form of organized danger to US security. This new global framing reinforces the domestic one. Together, they redefine dissent as a matter for preemptive national security intervention rather than as a form of democratic disagreement.
NSPM-7 does not establish new criminal prohibitions. It instead reorganizes existing authorities in order to expand their reach to subvert political dissent.
The approach embedded in NSPM-7 was foreshadowed in Project Esther, an October 2024 document by the Heritage Foundation that outlined the very methods now being enacted through federal authority. Presented as a plan to combat antisemitism, it has instead served as a justification for coordinated attempts to weaken civil society groups, especially those connected to Palestinian solidarity work. Jewish Voice for Peace, for example, appears prominently in Project Esther. The project treats dissenting Jewish movements as potential enemies of the state while ignoring the sources of real antisemitic violence from white supremacist organizations and Trump’s own network. In doing so, it advances an agenda that uses the language of Jewish protection to mask a campaign that targets, among many groups, Jewish progressives and anti-fascists.
NSPM-7 does not establish new criminal prohibitions. It instead reorganizes existing authorities in order to expand their reach to subvert political dissent. The most troubling aspect is the encouragement to intervene before any political act occurs. This “pre-crime” approach draws directly from earlier post-9/11counterterrorism practices that targeted Arab, Muslim, and Palestinian communities on the basis of suspicion rather than action. Those attacks produced widespread surveillance, infiltration, and community fear, and in doing so made the public less safe. The new Trump memo now positions those same strategies to be used against a much wider segment of civil society. Anyone associated with advocacy for Palestinian rights, critiques of US foreign policy, challenges to state violence, or left-aligned social movements is a potential target.
Historical parallels offer important context. Under National Socialist rule, Germany relied on security language to arrest, imprison, and murder political opponents. Italy and Spain under fascist regimes treated labor groups, social movements, and minority activists as subjects for surveillance, detention, and execution. The United States has its own history of using national security claims to silence and even execute dissenters during the Cold War. In each case, the crucial step was the transformation of political disagreement into a threat to national security.
As a scholar of modern Jewish history and Holocaust studies, I view the current moment in part through these historical precedents. The misuse of claims about protecting Jews while weaponizing antisemitic accusations against figures such as Zohran Mamdani and George Soros demonstrates that anti-Jewish hatred is not being confronted as a social prejudice but instrumentalized in support of a racist, authoritarian regime. The effect is to direct state power against those who participate in movements for justice and equality. This undermines genuine efforts to confront all manifestations of bigotry and oppression and weakens democratic life.
There is, however, another dimension to this history. Communities that endured earlier waves of repressive counterterrorism policy also developed strategies of collective defense and political resilience. What is required at this moment is recognition of the scale and coherence of the strategy being deployed. ICE raids, the false designation of peaceful Palestinian human rights groups as terrorist organizations, to attacks on transgender people—these should not be viewed in isolation. They are components of a coordinated effort to curtail the activity of civil society. The appropriate response begins with solidarity across movements, a clear understanding of the racial and political foundations of these policies, and, most of all, a refusal to allow this expansion of state power to become normalized.
The administration’s actions demand a collective defense of democratic spaces. The lessons of the past are clear: attacks on our civic freedom can be resisted, but only when communities recognize the stakes and act together. This moment requires precisely that resolve.
The visibility of anti-Zionist organizing throughout South Florida breaks the normalization of mainstream Jewish and other support for Israel and will continue to do so.
The actual reality of organizing for Palestinian justice in South Florida defies the region’s reputation of near unanimous support for Israel and its genocide against the Palestinian people. And the belief that all Jewish people in South Florida support Israel (it’s almost a mantra) is also not reflective of the full picture.
Joining with a coalition of groups committed to justice—Palestinian, Muslim, student, socialist, and others—Jewish organizing for Palestinian justice in South Florida takes multiple forms. Its Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) chapter (of which this author is part) is unabashedly anti-Zionist, abolitionist, and socialist and stands firmly with Indigenous-led organizing (most recently against the Everglades Concentration Camp), queer and trans liberation, and disability justice. Part of what makes this work noteworthy is that it is happening in a state, with its reactionary governor, Ron DeSantis, at the helm, that is a step ahead of much of the country in its excessively repressive climate and policies. Though we know the rest of the country seems not to be far behind.
Community education is central to the group’s commitments, especially as more and more people are joining, rooted in the understanding that we are all learners and teachers. In ongoing workshops such as "SWANA Jews and Zionism After 1948 and in the 20th Century"; "The History and Current Day Reality of the ADL"; and "The Palestinian Nakba," participants meet outside (Covid-19 safety is a priority!) to learn together and to deepen and strengthen ongoing organizing. Jewish holidays are also observed within an anti-Zionist framework, often by the ocean, with learning including “Engineered Famine: Israel’s Starvation of Gaza–a Teach-in, Havdalah, and Solidarity Fast” and “An Anti-Zionist Shabbat Teach-in on Antisemitism from a Collective Liberation Framework.”
Most recently, one of the community’s areas of focus has been on challenging the fervent support for genocide in the rabidly pro-Zionist Miami Beach City Commission. Many across the country, and even beyond, followed the city’s fight with the local arts theatre, O Cinema, for showing the Oscar-winning documentary No Other Land, which was one chapter in an ongoing battle with the city’s mayor and City Commission in their attempts to censor criticism of Israel and its ongoing violence against the Palestinian people.
Contrary to what some may assume in South Florida’s political climate, activists have succeeded in being visible in the media and bringing these issues into the public eye.
The City of Miami Beach’s support for Israeli apartheid shows up in myriad ways: It donated an ambulance to Israel (smack in the middle of the genocide), has funneled millions of taxpayer dollars into Israel bonds, and adopted a resolution that prohibited the city from hiring contractors who refused to do business with Israel. At City Commission meetings, during the space for public comment, as residents stand up to speak against the city’s support for genocide, the mayor and commissioners consistently shut down opposition by turning off the mics and then ranting on and on in support of Israel. They accuse speakers of being antisemitic and invited the Consul General of Israel to give an invocation, whose words, in the middle of Israel’s genocide against the Palestinian people of Gaza, included, “We lift up the brave soldiers of the IDF.”
That has not deterred the community’s very visible presence and opposition at these hearings and in the streets.
But the Miami Beach commissioners and mayor didn’t just stop there. As a result of the ongoing organizing in support of Palestinian justice, the city instituted an anti-protest ordinance that denies the constitutional right to protest. After the ordinance was enacted, when activists attempted to protest at the Convention Center where large numbers of people have gathered for Art Basel and the Aspen Ideas Climate Festival, the Miami Beach Police Department barred protesters from gathering on the Convention Center sidewalk in violation of their constitutionally protected right of free speech.
In response, Jewish Voice for Peace South Florida has filed a lawsuit asking a federal court to declare the anti-protest ordinance and the actions of the Miami Beach Police Department unconstitutional as a violation of the First Amendment rights of its members.
“The First Amendment protects the right to protest in public places, including public sidewalks. It is for the protesters, not the mayor, the City Commission, nor the police, to determine where that right may be exercised, “ said Alan Levine, a member of the legal team representing Jewish Voice for Peace South Florida.
Another critical and vocal area of organizing among Jewish Voice for Peace South Florida and other local advocates is its Break the Bonds Miami campaign, devoted to challenging the county’s investments in Israel Bonds. Just recently, the campaign released a new report based on over 700 survey responses from Miami-Dade County residents, examining public opinion of the county’s $151 million investment in Israel Bonds. The findings show strong opposition to these investments and support for redirecting funds away from genocide toward much-needed local priorities.
“As a Jewish resident of Miami-Dade, I don't believe the county should be investing in a country committing a horrific genocide and starvation campaign…The $151 million Miami-Dade has invested in Israel Bonds should be redirected to empower our local community to flourish, not buy bombs and guns for Israel’s military to kill children, journalists, and doctors," said Hayley Margolis, a JVP South Florida member leader and Miami Dade County resident, at a recent press conference releasing the report.
Contrary to what some may assume in South Florida’s political climate, activists have succeeded in being visible in the media and bringing these issues into the public eye. The protests, actions, and campaign have been well-covered on TV and in print media, and numbers of opinion pieces have been published in all the local papers. The visibility of anti-Zionist organizing throughout South Florida breaks the normalization of mainstream Jewish and other support for Israel and will continue to do so. As the JVP South Florida chapter reiterates in all its messaging: “We will not be silent, and we will not be silenced.”
Our local paper wouldn't heed our requests to improve its coverage of the Gaza genocide, so we made our own.
River Valley for Palestine, Jewish Voice for Peace W MA, and other community organizations in Western Massachusetts have been trying to persuade the editors and publisher of the Daily Hampshire Gazette, headquartered in Northampton, to improve the paper's coverage of the genocide in Gaza and to publish an editorial condemning Israel's targeted killings of hundreds of Gaza's journalists. We have also asked that when the Gazette provides news from Gaza in the form of reprinted articles from media sources such as the Associated Press, they precede each article with an editor's note* containing the caveat that the news piece provided may contain pro-Israeli bias and propaganda. We have not succeeded in persuading the paper to meet our requests.
Two other local papers—the Springfield Republican and the Montague Reporter—recently published strong editorials condemning Israel's systematic murders of Gaza's journalists.
Since we feel that the Gazette is failing its readership vis-a-vis coverage of the Gaza genocide, we have decided to publish an alternative version of the paper—the Alt-Daily Hampshire Gazette—containing material that we wish the editors and publisher WOULD include. We hope Gazette readers find the Alt-Daily Hampshire Gazette, which is being distributed widely in the readership area of the Daily Hampshire Gazette, interesting and helpful as they seek reliable news and opinion about the Gaza genocide, Israel's occupation of Palestine, and campaigns throughout Western Massachusetts to stand with the Palestinian people and all people fighting empire, militarism, colonization, and exploitation.
The first edition of the Alt-Daily Hampshire Gazette, released on September 23, 2025, contains news pieces, a letter to the editor, a piece by a journalist who resigned in protest from Reuters, and relevant photos and cartoons. It also included an editorial, below, that River Valley for Palestine wishes and repeatedly urged the Daily Hampshire Gazette to publish. Periodic editions of the Alt-Daily Hampshire Gazette will be published and disseminated widely by River Valley for Palestine. They will contain news and opinion about Gaza, Occupied Palestine, and the Israel-US genocide written by local activists.

By Alt-Daily Hampshire Gazette editorial board member Jennifer Scarlott
As the war in Gaza grinds into its 23rd month, passing its 700th day, with incalculable, breathtaking suffering imposed by Israel and the United States on a caged civilian population of more than 2 million, the territory has been turned into an enormous death camp.
The Daily Hampshire Gazette rarely publishes editorials. We feel that the realities in Gaza DEMAND that our editorial voice be heard.
A feature of Israel’s war on Gaza has been its targeting of crucial civilian populations: healthcare workers, civil defense workers, government workers, academics, intellectuals, journalists like ourselves.
We acknowledge that though we are a local paper, we bear responsibility for creating conditions that have contributed to a genocide in Gaza and attacks on our journalist brothers and sisters.
In its killings of Gaza’s extraordinarily hard-working and courageous journalists (more than 270 as of this date, according to Al Jazeera, many of them in targeted assassinations) and its refusal to allow international journalists into Gaza, Israel is killing the messenger. It is targeting the profession of journalism. It is assaulting free speech and freedom of information. It is targeting international law and human rights. It is seeking to normalize censorship, official lies, war propaganda, and murders of journalists. Its enemy is the truth; its perceived enemies are truthtellers: Gaza’s journalists.
Readers of the Daily Hampshire Gazette are hopefully familiar with the most recent assassinations of journalists at Al Shifa Hospital (the entire Al Jazeera team, including Anas Al Sharif, in Gaza City on 8/10/25) and Nasser Hospital (8/25/25). These massacres have received some global attention due to their brazenness and the numbers of journalists targeted. But the frequent, targeted sniping and bombing of individual journalists in Gaza do not.
According to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), “Israel is engaging in the deadliest and most deliberate effort to kill and silence journalists that CPJ has ever documented. Palestinian journalists are being threatened, directly targeted, and murdered by Israeli forces, and are arbitrarily detained and tortured in retaliation for their work. Israel has systematically destroyed media infrastructure in Gaza, and tightened censorship throughout the West Bank and Israel. By silencing the press, Israel is silencing those who document and bear witness to what human rights groups and academic and international legal experts say is a genocide.”
In an astounding attack on Yemeni civilians on 9/10/25, Israel massacred more than 25 journalists. The Yemeni Journalists Union condemned the direct targeting of the 26 September newspaper and the Al-Yemen newspaper in the capital, Sana’a.
During this time of unprecedented assault on journalists and the First Amendment in our own country, the Daily Hampshire Gazette wishes to be very clear to our readers, to our colleagues in Western media, and to our media colleagues in Gaza: We stand with the Palestinian journalists of Gaza (and with our colleagues everywhere). We condemn their deliberate murder by Israel. These murders are war crimes, as are killings of all civilians. They are flagrant violations of international law under the Geneva Conventions. They must be independently investigated. They must be prosecuted.
Twenty-three months into the war on Gaza, the Daily Hampshire Gazette acknowledges that media “neutrality” is complicity. For the past nearly two years, Western media, through silence or through pro-Israel bias, has been complicit in the Israeli-US genocide in Gaza and in the ongoing assassinations of journalists. We will not be complicit. We acknowledge that though we are a local paper, we bear responsibility for creating conditions that have contributed to a genocide in Gaza and attacks on our journalist brothers and sisters.
In acknowledging that the war in Gaza is a genocide being conducted by the Israeli and US governments, we call for: immediate ceasefire; the immediate, permanent removal of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) from Gaza; a global arms embargo on Israel; global economic sanctions on Israel; the immediate and permanent opening of Gaza’s borders; the immediate, permanent influx, under the auspices of UNRWA, of humanitarian aid and supplies for the entire Gaza population; and removal of Israel from the United Nations. We call for the immediate assembly of an international protection force in Gaza under the UN General Assembly’s “Uniting for Peace” Resolution.
At this critical moment in world history, with the extermination of an entire people gaining momentum, the Daily Hampshire Gazette will not fail this test: We will defend Palestinian journalists and journalism, and in so doing, defend and stand with the civilian population of Gaza in its desperate hour of need. We understand that if we fail to do so, we fail ourselves, the readers of this newspaper, the people of Gaza, and humanity itself. We call on our colleagues throughout Western media—whether local, regional, or national and whether print, television, radio, or Internet—to do the same.
Lastly, as to news articles about the genocide in Gaza: We make a promise to our readers that if we reprint news articles from outlets such as the Associated Press, we will acknowledge our responsibility for the bias in those articles (the AP and other outlets routinely quote Israeli government and military sources without comment), by preceding them with the following:
*Editors’ Note: The following report may be inaccurate for the following reasons—Israeli government and military statements, frequently cited uncritically by Western media, are war propaganda and should not be taken at face value; many Western media outlets exhibit consistent pro-Israel bias. In addition, be aware that the Israeli regime bars international media from entering and reporting from Gaza or other parts of Palestine, all of which it illegally occupies.
(The above was written as if it were a piece by the editorial board of the Daily Hampshire Gazette. Instead, it was published in the Alt-Daily Hampshire Gazette on 9/23/25 by River Valley for Palestine, a community organization fighting for Palestine’s liberation.)