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Senate Majority Leader Charles Schumer, D-N.Y., right, and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., address the media after a meeting with President Joe Biden at the White House about funding for Ukraine in the war with Russia and and border security, on Wednesday, January 17, 2024.
Biden and his party cannot afford to fall short on the issue of immigrant rights.
Unless higher forces intervene, Donald Trump is expected to be the Republican presidential nominee in 2024. With that will come a repeat of the 2020 duel versus Joe Biden, who this time is president, and with Immigration and the border at the center of the contest once again.
This historic political-electoral mix already has the flavor of revenge on at least two different levels. On the one hand, it represents the opportunity for the Republican ex-leader to return to the White House and conclude the anti-immigrant and white supremacist policies that were left half done. On the other, it is the most appropriate scenario for Biden to deliver a Democratic slap in the face to the forces that attempted a coup d’état while attacking the Capitol in 2021, egged on by Donald Trump himself with his anti-immigrant agenda in tow.
Because if anything has remained clear about Trump, it is that the immigration issue is his favorite workhorse. He briefly mentions other topics like the economy, but returns to immigration as the demagogic weapon that catapulted him to the presidency in 2016, for being the issue that truly moves his base. A base that it seems has no political interest in other matters of national relevance, but rather an ideological and racial contrivance smeared with migration morbidity. That is the cloud on which they float.
Trump won the New Hampshire primary on Tuesday, leaving the former United Nations ambassador and ex-governor of South Carolina, Nikki Hayley in the dust. And since the ninety-one federal and state charges that Trump is facing in four court cases do not impede him from being a candidate, and fail to faze both the leadership of the Republican Party and its voters, the rest of the primary process is just an exercise.
In that respect, it’s worth underlining what the U.S. political system is dangerously showing to the world, at least since 2016, which is nothing more than a gross permissiveness, having opened the door to a character like Trump, replete with all the imperfections that political ethics and a more elemental humanism combat, now shining for their absence.
Essentially, if one listens to Trump’s speeches, they would realize that apart from his references to himself, and complaint of being a “victim” of a “witch hunt” by opposition politicians, the constant among his messages is extremist rhetoric about the border and immigrants.
In fact, that seems to be the strategy, sustained by the belief that the situation cities like New York, Chicago, and Boston are facing—with the arrival of refugees sent by the Republican Governor of Texas, Greg Abbott—has made independent voters uncomfortable.
They even see an opening with Latino voters, and claim that they are “abandoning” the Democrats “massively,” when the reality is that the Hispanic vote continues to be majority Democrat. Though, for being diverse in terms of nationality, generation, ideology, and states where they live, there is a little bit of everything: Republicans, Democrats, Independents, and the disaffected who do not vote.
More still, a recent poll from UnidosUS found that Latinos reject many of the policies and messages of the Republicans, and think that the Democrats manage the issues that concern them better. For example, the survey found that immigration, while important, is not Hispanics’ central preoccupation. Those are inflation, jobs and the economy, health, criminality, and guns, as well as the cost of living.
In addition, on the matter of immigration, Latino voters’ points of view are diametrically opposed to what Trump and the Republicans are proposing: they strongly support a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants and Dreamers; they support better asylum laws, and policies that allow immigration through legal routes: there show less support for focusing on border security, and very low backing for mass deportation plans.
But Trump has promised mass deportations, to begin when he assumes the presidency in January 2025, if he does beat Biden.
It is precisely those type of ideas that President Biden should consider, now that we are at the doors of a deal between Republicans, Democrats, and the White House over the plan for aid to Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan, which involves changes to asylum laws, measures to reform security at the border with Mexico, and apparently changes to programs like parole, which have opened legal path for immigration. Accepting extreme migration measures only strengthens Trump.
In fact, various Republican senators have said as much.
“When the bill is released and everyone – especially conservatives and President Trump – sees the tools that will be available to a President Trump should he win the election, to lose this opportunity to get it into law, I think is malpractice,” declared the Republican senator from North Carolina, Thom Tillis.
But Biden, despite having instituted 535 immigration actions in his term so far, seems to find himself between a rock and a hard place: ensuring that his central foreign policy issue, Ukraine, obtain funds to continue combating the Russian invasion; or ceding to Republican demands on immigration matters, along the way disappointing pro-immigrant groups and, even worse, the voters for whom this issue determines how or whether they will vote at all. And in the face of Trump and a highly enthusiastic MAGA base, every vote counts.
The original Spanish version of this column was published at America's Voice here.
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Unless higher forces intervene, Donald Trump is expected to be the Republican presidential nominee in 2024. With that will come a repeat of the 2020 duel versus Joe Biden, who this time is president, and with Immigration and the border at the center of the contest once again.
This historic political-electoral mix already has the flavor of revenge on at least two different levels. On the one hand, it represents the opportunity for the Republican ex-leader to return to the White House and conclude the anti-immigrant and white supremacist policies that were left half done. On the other, it is the most appropriate scenario for Biden to deliver a Democratic slap in the face to the forces that attempted a coup d’état while attacking the Capitol in 2021, egged on by Donald Trump himself with his anti-immigrant agenda in tow.
Because if anything has remained clear about Trump, it is that the immigration issue is his favorite workhorse. He briefly mentions other topics like the economy, but returns to immigration as the demagogic weapon that catapulted him to the presidency in 2016, for being the issue that truly moves his base. A base that it seems has no political interest in other matters of national relevance, but rather an ideological and racial contrivance smeared with migration morbidity. That is the cloud on which they float.
Trump won the New Hampshire primary on Tuesday, leaving the former United Nations ambassador and ex-governor of South Carolina, Nikki Hayley in the dust. And since the ninety-one federal and state charges that Trump is facing in four court cases do not impede him from being a candidate, and fail to faze both the leadership of the Republican Party and its voters, the rest of the primary process is just an exercise.
In that respect, it’s worth underlining what the U.S. political system is dangerously showing to the world, at least since 2016, which is nothing more than a gross permissiveness, having opened the door to a character like Trump, replete with all the imperfections that political ethics and a more elemental humanism combat, now shining for their absence.
Essentially, if one listens to Trump’s speeches, they would realize that apart from his references to himself, and complaint of being a “victim” of a “witch hunt” by opposition politicians, the constant among his messages is extremist rhetoric about the border and immigrants.
In fact, that seems to be the strategy, sustained by the belief that the situation cities like New York, Chicago, and Boston are facing—with the arrival of refugees sent by the Republican Governor of Texas, Greg Abbott—has made independent voters uncomfortable.
They even see an opening with Latino voters, and claim that they are “abandoning” the Democrats “massively,” when the reality is that the Hispanic vote continues to be majority Democrat. Though, for being diverse in terms of nationality, generation, ideology, and states where they live, there is a little bit of everything: Republicans, Democrats, Independents, and the disaffected who do not vote.
More still, a recent poll from UnidosUS found that Latinos reject many of the policies and messages of the Republicans, and think that the Democrats manage the issues that concern them better. For example, the survey found that immigration, while important, is not Hispanics’ central preoccupation. Those are inflation, jobs and the economy, health, criminality, and guns, as well as the cost of living.
In addition, on the matter of immigration, Latino voters’ points of view are diametrically opposed to what Trump and the Republicans are proposing: they strongly support a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants and Dreamers; they support better asylum laws, and policies that allow immigration through legal routes: there show less support for focusing on border security, and very low backing for mass deportation plans.
But Trump has promised mass deportations, to begin when he assumes the presidency in January 2025, if he does beat Biden.
It is precisely those type of ideas that President Biden should consider, now that we are at the doors of a deal between Republicans, Democrats, and the White House over the plan for aid to Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan, which involves changes to asylum laws, measures to reform security at the border with Mexico, and apparently changes to programs like parole, which have opened legal path for immigration. Accepting extreme migration measures only strengthens Trump.
In fact, various Republican senators have said as much.
“When the bill is released and everyone – especially conservatives and President Trump – sees the tools that will be available to a President Trump should he win the election, to lose this opportunity to get it into law, I think is malpractice,” declared the Republican senator from North Carolina, Thom Tillis.
But Biden, despite having instituted 535 immigration actions in his term so far, seems to find himself between a rock and a hard place: ensuring that his central foreign policy issue, Ukraine, obtain funds to continue combating the Russian invasion; or ceding to Republican demands on immigration matters, along the way disappointing pro-immigrant groups and, even worse, the voters for whom this issue determines how or whether they will vote at all. And in the face of Trump and a highly enthusiastic MAGA base, every vote counts.
The original Spanish version of this column was published at America's Voice here.
Unless higher forces intervene, Donald Trump is expected to be the Republican presidential nominee in 2024. With that will come a repeat of the 2020 duel versus Joe Biden, who this time is president, and with Immigration and the border at the center of the contest once again.
This historic political-electoral mix already has the flavor of revenge on at least two different levels. On the one hand, it represents the opportunity for the Republican ex-leader to return to the White House and conclude the anti-immigrant and white supremacist policies that were left half done. On the other, it is the most appropriate scenario for Biden to deliver a Democratic slap in the face to the forces that attempted a coup d’état while attacking the Capitol in 2021, egged on by Donald Trump himself with his anti-immigrant agenda in tow.
Because if anything has remained clear about Trump, it is that the immigration issue is his favorite workhorse. He briefly mentions other topics like the economy, but returns to immigration as the demagogic weapon that catapulted him to the presidency in 2016, for being the issue that truly moves his base. A base that it seems has no political interest in other matters of national relevance, but rather an ideological and racial contrivance smeared with migration morbidity. That is the cloud on which they float.
Trump won the New Hampshire primary on Tuesday, leaving the former United Nations ambassador and ex-governor of South Carolina, Nikki Hayley in the dust. And since the ninety-one federal and state charges that Trump is facing in four court cases do not impede him from being a candidate, and fail to faze both the leadership of the Republican Party and its voters, the rest of the primary process is just an exercise.
In that respect, it’s worth underlining what the U.S. political system is dangerously showing to the world, at least since 2016, which is nothing more than a gross permissiveness, having opened the door to a character like Trump, replete with all the imperfections that political ethics and a more elemental humanism combat, now shining for their absence.
Essentially, if one listens to Trump’s speeches, they would realize that apart from his references to himself, and complaint of being a “victim” of a “witch hunt” by opposition politicians, the constant among his messages is extremist rhetoric about the border and immigrants.
In fact, that seems to be the strategy, sustained by the belief that the situation cities like New York, Chicago, and Boston are facing—with the arrival of refugees sent by the Republican Governor of Texas, Greg Abbott—has made independent voters uncomfortable.
They even see an opening with Latino voters, and claim that they are “abandoning” the Democrats “massively,” when the reality is that the Hispanic vote continues to be majority Democrat. Though, for being diverse in terms of nationality, generation, ideology, and states where they live, there is a little bit of everything: Republicans, Democrats, Independents, and the disaffected who do not vote.
More still, a recent poll from UnidosUS found that Latinos reject many of the policies and messages of the Republicans, and think that the Democrats manage the issues that concern them better. For example, the survey found that immigration, while important, is not Hispanics’ central preoccupation. Those are inflation, jobs and the economy, health, criminality, and guns, as well as the cost of living.
In addition, on the matter of immigration, Latino voters’ points of view are diametrically opposed to what Trump and the Republicans are proposing: they strongly support a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants and Dreamers; they support better asylum laws, and policies that allow immigration through legal routes: there show less support for focusing on border security, and very low backing for mass deportation plans.
But Trump has promised mass deportations, to begin when he assumes the presidency in January 2025, if he does beat Biden.
It is precisely those type of ideas that President Biden should consider, now that we are at the doors of a deal between Republicans, Democrats, and the White House over the plan for aid to Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan, which involves changes to asylum laws, measures to reform security at the border with Mexico, and apparently changes to programs like parole, which have opened legal path for immigration. Accepting extreme migration measures only strengthens Trump.
In fact, various Republican senators have said as much.
“When the bill is released and everyone – especially conservatives and President Trump – sees the tools that will be available to a President Trump should he win the election, to lose this opportunity to get it into law, I think is malpractice,” declared the Republican senator from North Carolina, Thom Tillis.
But Biden, despite having instituted 535 immigration actions in his term so far, seems to find himself between a rock and a hard place: ensuring that his central foreign policy issue, Ukraine, obtain funds to continue combating the Russian invasion; or ceding to Republican demands on immigration matters, along the way disappointing pro-immigrant groups and, even worse, the voters for whom this issue determines how or whether they will vote at all. And in the face of Trump and a highly enthusiastic MAGA base, every vote counts.
The original Spanish version of this column was published at America's Voice here.
Any such effort, said one democracy watchdog, "would violate the Constitution and is a major step to prevent free and fair elections."
In his latest full-frontal assault on democratic access and voting rights, President Donald Trump early Monday said he will lead an effort to ban both mail-in ballots and voting machines for next year's mid-term elections—a vow met with immediate rebuke from progressive critics.
"I am going to lead a movement to get rid of MAIL-IN BALLOTS, and also, while we’re at it, Highly 'Inaccurate,' Very Expensive, and Seriously Controversial VOTING MACHINES, which cost Ten Times more than accurate and sophisticated Watermark Paper, which is faster, and leaves NO DOUBT, at the end of the evening, as to who WON, and who LOST, the Election," Trump wrote in a social media post infested with lies and falsehoods.
Trump falsely claimed that no other country in the world uses mail-in voting—a blatant lie, according to International IDEA, which monitors democratic trends worldwide, at least 34 nations allow for in-country postal voting of some kind. The group notes that over 100 countries allow out-of-country postal voting for citizens living or stationed overseas during an election.
Trump has repeated his false claim—over and over again—that he won the 2020 election, which he actually lost, in part due to fraud related to mail-in ballots, though the lie has been debunked ad nauseam. He also fails to note that mail-in ballots were very much in use nationwide in 2024, with an estimated 30% of voters casting a mail-in ballot as opposed to in-person during the election in which Trump returned to the White House and Republicans took back the US Senate and retained the US House of Representatives.
Monday's rant by Trump came just days after his summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin, who Trump claimed commented personally on the 2020 election and mail-in ballots. In a Friday night interview with Fox News, Trump claimed "one of the most interesting" things Putin said during their talks about ending the war in Ukraine was about mail-in voting in the United States and how Trump would have won the election were it not for voter fraud, echoing Trump's own disproven claims.
Trump: Vladimir Putin said your election was rigged because you have mail-in voting… he talked about 2020 and he said you won that election by so much.. it was a rigged election. pic.twitter.com/m8v0tXuiDQ
— Acyn (@Acyn) August 16, 2025
Trump said Monday he would sign an executive order on election processes, suggesting that it would forbid mail-in ballots as well as the automatic tabulation machines used in states nationwide. He also said that states, which are in charge of administering their elections at the local level, "must do what the Federal Government, as represented by the President of the United States, tells them, FOR THE GOOD OF OUR COUNTRY, to do."
Marc Elias, founder of Democracy Docket, which tracks voting rights and issues related to ballot access, said any executive order by Trump to end mail-in voting or forbid provenly safe and accurate voting machines ahead of the midterms would be "unconstitutional and illegal."
Such an effort, said Elias, "would violate the Constitution and is a major step to prevent free and fair elections."
"We've got the FBI patrolling the streets." said one protester. "We've got National Guard set up as a show of force. What's scarier is if we allow this."
Residents of Washington, DC over the weekend demonstrated against US President Donald Trump's deployment of the National Guard in their city.
As reported by NBC Washington, demonstrators gathered on Saturday at DuPont Circle and then marched to the White House to direct their anger at Trump for sending the National Guard to Washington DC, and for his efforts to take over the Metropolitan Police Department.
In an interview with NBC Washington, one protester said that it was important for the administration to see that residents weren't intimidated by the presence of military personnel roaming their streets.
"I know a lot of people are scared," the protester said. "We've got the FBI patrolling the streets. We've got National Guard set up as a show of force. What's scarier is if we allow this."
Saturday protests against the presence of the National Guard are expected to be a weekly occurrence, organizers told NBC Washington.
Hours after the march to the White House, other demonstrators began to gather at Union Station to protest the presence of the National Guard units there. Audio obtained by freelance journalist Andrew Leyden reveals that the National Guard decided to move their forces out of the area in reaction to what dispatchers called "growing demonstrations."
Even residents who didn't take part in formal demonstrations over the weekend managed to express their displeasure with the National Guard patrolling the city. According to The Washington Post, locals who spent a night on the town in the U Street neighborhood on Friday night made their unhappiness with law enforcement in the city very well known.
"At the sight of local and federal law enforcement throughout the night, people pooled on the sidewalk—watching, filming, booing," wrote the Post. "Such interactions played out again and again as the night drew on. Onlookers heckled the police as they did their job and applauded as officers left."
Trump last week ordered the National Guard into Washington, DC and tried to take control the Metropolitan Police, purportedly in order to reduce crime in the city. Statistics released earlier this year, however, showed a significant drop in crime in the nation's capital.
"Why not impose more sanctions on [Russia] and force them to agree to a cease-fire, instead of accepting that Putin won't agree to one?" asked NBC's Kristen Welker.
US Secretary of State Marco Rubio on Sunday was repeatedly put on the spot over the failure of US President Donald Trump to secure a cease-fire deal between Russia and Ukraine.
Rubio appeared on news programs across all major networks on Sunday morning and he was asked on all of them about Trump's summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin ending without any kind of agreement to end the conflict with Ukraine, which has now lasted for more than three years.
During an interview on ABC's "This Week," Rubio was grilled by Martha Raddatz about the purported "progress" being made toward bringing the war to a close. She also zeroed in on Trump's own statements saying that he wanted to see Russia agree to a cease-fire by the end of last week's summit.
"The president went in to that meeting saying he wanted a ceasefire, and there would be consequences if they didn't agree on a ceasefire in that meeting, and they didn't agree to a ceasefire," she said. "So where are the consequences?"
"That's not the aim of this," Rubio replied. "First of all..."
"The president said that was the aim!" Raddatz interjected.
"Yeah, but you're not going to reach a cease-fire or a peace agreement in a meeting in which only one side is represented," Rubio replied. "That's why it's important to bring both leaders together, that's the goal here."
RADDATZ: The president went in to that meeting saying he wanted a ceasefire and there would be consequences if they didn't agree on a ceasefire in that meeting, and they didn't agree to a ceasefire. So where are the consequences?
RUBIO: That's not the aim
RADDATZ: The president… pic.twitter.com/fuO9q1Y5ze
— Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) August 17, 2025
Rubio also made an appearance on CBS' "Face the Nation," where host Margaret Brennan similarly pressed him about the expectations Trump had set going into the summit.
"The president told those European leaders last week he wanted a ceasefire," she pointed out. "He went on television and said he would walk out of the meeting if Putin didn't agree to one, he said there would be severe consequences if he didn't agree to one. He said he'd walk out in two minutes—he spent three hours talking to Vladimir Putin and he did not get one. So there's mixed messages here."
"Our goal is not to stage some production for the world to say, 'Oh, how dramatic, he walked out,'" Rubio shot back. "Our goal is to have a peace agreement to end this war, OK? And obviously we felt, and I agreed, that there was enough progress, not a lot of progress, but enough progress made in those talks to allow us to move to the next phase."
Rubio then insisted that now was not the time to hit Russia with new sanctions, despite Trump's recent threats to do so, because it would end talks all together.
Brennan: The president told those European leaders last week he wanted a ceasefire. He went on television and said he would walk out of the meeting if Putin didn't agree to one, he said there would be severe consequences if he didn’t agree to one. He spent three hours talking to… pic.twitter.com/2WtuDH5Oii
— Acyn (@Acyn) August 17, 2025
During an appearance on NBC's "Meet the Press," host Kristen Welker asked Rubio about the "severe consequences" Trump had promised for Russia if it did not agree to a cease-fire.
"Why not impose more sanctions on [Russia] and force them to agree to a cease-fire, instead of accepting that Putin won't agree to one?" Welker asked.
"Well, first, that's something that I think a lot of people go around saying that I don't necessarily think is true," he replied. "I don't think new sanctions on Russia are going to force them to accept a cease-fire. They are already under severe sanctions... you can argue that could be a consequence of refusing to agree to a cease-fire or the end of hostilities."
He went on to say that he hoped the US would not be forced to put more sanctions on Russia "because that means peace talks failed."
WELKER: Why not impose more sanctions on Russia and force them to agree to a ceasefire, instead of accepting that Putin won't agree to one?
RUBIO: Well, I think that's something people go around saying that I don't necessarily think is true. I don't think new sanctions on Russia… pic.twitter.com/GoIucsrDmA
— Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) August 17, 2025
During the 2024 presidential campaign, Trump said that he could end the war between Russian and Ukraine within the span of a single day. In the seven months since his inauguration, the war has only gotten more intense as Russia has stepped up its daily attacks on Ukrainian cities and infrastructure.