Sep 06, 2014
The Justice Department on Friday released two legal memos written during the Bush administration justifying the National Security Agency surveillance program that spied on American citizens' phone calls and emails shortly after the terrorist attacks in 2001, the Washington Postreports.
The program, called Stellar Wind, created legal support for mass collection of communications data based solely on Presidential authorization. It allowed the NSA to spy on communications within the U.S. when at least one party was believed to be affiliated with al-Qaeda, and at least one end of the communication was overseas. Authored by then-Assistant Attorney General Jack Goldsmith, the memos argue that Stellar Wind does not violate Fourth Amendment rights of U.S. citizens because invasion of privacy is outweighed by the government's "interest" in stopping terrorist attacks -- and that Article 2 of the Constitution gives the president power to conduct a communications dragnet "even in peacetime."
"Their conclusions are deeply disturbing," ACLU staff attorney Jack Toomey told the Post. "They suggest that the president's power to monitor the communications of Americans is virtually unlimited -- by the Constitution, or by Congress -- when it comes to foreign intelligence."
The Post reports:
Goldsmith argued that Congress's 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force passed shortly after the al-Qaeda attacks on the United States provided "express authority" for the warrantless program. "In authorizing 'all necessary and appropriate force,' " he reasoned, the AUMF necessarily applied to electronic surveillance, including domestically.
While the New York Times revealed the existence of Stellar Wind in 2005, the somewhat-redacted documents (pdf) released last night to the ACLU go much deeper into detail about the program.
"The President has inherent constitutional authority as Commander in Chief and sole organ for the nation in foreign affairs to conduct warrantless surveillance of enemy forces," wrote Goldsmith. "Congress does not have the power to restrict the President's exercise of that authority."
"The government's overwhelming interest in detecting and thwarting further al Qaeda attacks is easily sufficient to make reasonable intrusion into privacy involved in intercepting selected communications," the memos claim, an argument that was echoed by the NSA and dragnet supporters after the Snowden leaks revealed the agency's mass surveillance program in 2013. "Even in peacetime, absent Congressional action, the President has inherent constitutional authority, consistent with the Fourth Amendment, to order warrantless foreign intelligence surveillance."
"He also asserted that the authorization can be read to 'provide specific authority . . . that overrides the limitations' of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, a law passed in 1978 that required a court order to wiretap an American or any person on U.S. soil," the Post writes.
At the time that the memos were authored, one of the more controversial elements of the program included a bulk collection of email metadata, such as information about the senders and recipients of messages. In March 2004, the DOJ Office of Legal Counsel concluded that that part of Stellar Wind was not legal, and then-Acting Attorney General James Comey did not reauthorize it. Stellar Wind was reined in by court oversight in 2007, but a FISA amendment created just one year later granted new authority to the government to spy on targets "reasonably believed" to be located outside the U.S.
The Post continues:
The warrantless program was placed under statute in 2007 and 2008 by Congress. The current program, known as Section 702 of the FISA Amendments Act, gives the government authority to collect communications on U.S. soil when the target is believed to be a foreigner overseas -- not just for purposes of countering terrorism, but also for broader foreign intelligence purposes.
"Unfortunately, the sweeping surveillance they sought to justify is not a thing of the past," Toomey told the Post. "The government's legal rationales have shifted over time, but some of today's surveillance programs are even broader and more intrusive than those put in place more than a decade ago by President Bush."
Join Us: News for people demanding a better world
Common Dreams is powered by optimists who believe in the power of informed and engaged citizens to ignite and enact change to make the world a better place. We're hundreds of thousands strong, but every single supporter makes the difference. Your contribution supports this bold media model—free, independent, and dedicated to reporting the facts every day. Stand with us in the fight for economic equality, social justice, human rights, and a more sustainable future. As a people-powered nonprofit news outlet, we cover the issues the corporate media never will. |
Our work is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0). Feel free to republish and share widely.
Nadia Prupis
Nadia Prupis is a former Common Dreams staff writer. She wrote on media policy for Truthout.org and has been published in New America Media and AlterNet. She graduated from UC Santa Barbara with a BA in English in 2008.
The Justice Department on Friday released two legal memos written during the Bush administration justifying the National Security Agency surveillance program that spied on American citizens' phone calls and emails shortly after the terrorist attacks in 2001, the Washington Postreports.
The program, called Stellar Wind, created legal support for mass collection of communications data based solely on Presidential authorization. It allowed the NSA to spy on communications within the U.S. when at least one party was believed to be affiliated with al-Qaeda, and at least one end of the communication was overseas. Authored by then-Assistant Attorney General Jack Goldsmith, the memos argue that Stellar Wind does not violate Fourth Amendment rights of U.S. citizens because invasion of privacy is outweighed by the government's "interest" in stopping terrorist attacks -- and that Article 2 of the Constitution gives the president power to conduct a communications dragnet "even in peacetime."
"Their conclusions are deeply disturbing," ACLU staff attorney Jack Toomey told the Post. "They suggest that the president's power to monitor the communications of Americans is virtually unlimited -- by the Constitution, or by Congress -- when it comes to foreign intelligence."
The Post reports:
Goldsmith argued that Congress's 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force passed shortly after the al-Qaeda attacks on the United States provided "express authority" for the warrantless program. "In authorizing 'all necessary and appropriate force,' " he reasoned, the AUMF necessarily applied to electronic surveillance, including domestically.
While the New York Times revealed the existence of Stellar Wind in 2005, the somewhat-redacted documents (pdf) released last night to the ACLU go much deeper into detail about the program.
"The President has inherent constitutional authority as Commander in Chief and sole organ for the nation in foreign affairs to conduct warrantless surveillance of enemy forces," wrote Goldsmith. "Congress does not have the power to restrict the President's exercise of that authority."
"The government's overwhelming interest in detecting and thwarting further al Qaeda attacks is easily sufficient to make reasonable intrusion into privacy involved in intercepting selected communications," the memos claim, an argument that was echoed by the NSA and dragnet supporters after the Snowden leaks revealed the agency's mass surveillance program in 2013. "Even in peacetime, absent Congressional action, the President has inherent constitutional authority, consistent with the Fourth Amendment, to order warrantless foreign intelligence surveillance."
"He also asserted that the authorization can be read to 'provide specific authority . . . that overrides the limitations' of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, a law passed in 1978 that required a court order to wiretap an American or any person on U.S. soil," the Post writes.
At the time that the memos were authored, one of the more controversial elements of the program included a bulk collection of email metadata, such as information about the senders and recipients of messages. In March 2004, the DOJ Office of Legal Counsel concluded that that part of Stellar Wind was not legal, and then-Acting Attorney General James Comey did not reauthorize it. Stellar Wind was reined in by court oversight in 2007, but a FISA amendment created just one year later granted new authority to the government to spy on targets "reasonably believed" to be located outside the U.S.
The Post continues:
The warrantless program was placed under statute in 2007 and 2008 by Congress. The current program, known as Section 702 of the FISA Amendments Act, gives the government authority to collect communications on U.S. soil when the target is believed to be a foreigner overseas -- not just for purposes of countering terrorism, but also for broader foreign intelligence purposes.
"Unfortunately, the sweeping surveillance they sought to justify is not a thing of the past," Toomey told the Post. "The government's legal rationales have shifted over time, but some of today's surveillance programs are even broader and more intrusive than those put in place more than a decade ago by President Bush."
Nadia Prupis
Nadia Prupis is a former Common Dreams staff writer. She wrote on media policy for Truthout.org and has been published in New America Media and AlterNet. She graduated from UC Santa Barbara with a BA in English in 2008.
The Justice Department on Friday released two legal memos written during the Bush administration justifying the National Security Agency surveillance program that spied on American citizens' phone calls and emails shortly after the terrorist attacks in 2001, the Washington Postreports.
The program, called Stellar Wind, created legal support for mass collection of communications data based solely on Presidential authorization. It allowed the NSA to spy on communications within the U.S. when at least one party was believed to be affiliated with al-Qaeda, and at least one end of the communication was overseas. Authored by then-Assistant Attorney General Jack Goldsmith, the memos argue that Stellar Wind does not violate Fourth Amendment rights of U.S. citizens because invasion of privacy is outweighed by the government's "interest" in stopping terrorist attacks -- and that Article 2 of the Constitution gives the president power to conduct a communications dragnet "even in peacetime."
"Their conclusions are deeply disturbing," ACLU staff attorney Jack Toomey told the Post. "They suggest that the president's power to monitor the communications of Americans is virtually unlimited -- by the Constitution, or by Congress -- when it comes to foreign intelligence."
The Post reports:
Goldsmith argued that Congress's 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force passed shortly after the al-Qaeda attacks on the United States provided "express authority" for the warrantless program. "In authorizing 'all necessary and appropriate force,' " he reasoned, the AUMF necessarily applied to electronic surveillance, including domestically.
While the New York Times revealed the existence of Stellar Wind in 2005, the somewhat-redacted documents (pdf) released last night to the ACLU go much deeper into detail about the program.
"The President has inherent constitutional authority as Commander in Chief and sole organ for the nation in foreign affairs to conduct warrantless surveillance of enemy forces," wrote Goldsmith. "Congress does not have the power to restrict the President's exercise of that authority."
"The government's overwhelming interest in detecting and thwarting further al Qaeda attacks is easily sufficient to make reasonable intrusion into privacy involved in intercepting selected communications," the memos claim, an argument that was echoed by the NSA and dragnet supporters after the Snowden leaks revealed the agency's mass surveillance program in 2013. "Even in peacetime, absent Congressional action, the President has inherent constitutional authority, consistent with the Fourth Amendment, to order warrantless foreign intelligence surveillance."
"He also asserted that the authorization can be read to 'provide specific authority . . . that overrides the limitations' of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, a law passed in 1978 that required a court order to wiretap an American or any person on U.S. soil," the Post writes.
At the time that the memos were authored, one of the more controversial elements of the program included a bulk collection of email metadata, such as information about the senders and recipients of messages. In March 2004, the DOJ Office of Legal Counsel concluded that that part of Stellar Wind was not legal, and then-Acting Attorney General James Comey did not reauthorize it. Stellar Wind was reined in by court oversight in 2007, but a FISA amendment created just one year later granted new authority to the government to spy on targets "reasonably believed" to be located outside the U.S.
The Post continues:
The warrantless program was placed under statute in 2007 and 2008 by Congress. The current program, known as Section 702 of the FISA Amendments Act, gives the government authority to collect communications on U.S. soil when the target is believed to be a foreigner overseas -- not just for purposes of countering terrorism, but also for broader foreign intelligence purposes.
"Unfortunately, the sweeping surveillance they sought to justify is not a thing of the past," Toomey told the Post. "The government's legal rationales have shifted over time, but some of today's surveillance programs are even broader and more intrusive than those put in place more than a decade ago by President Bush."
We've had enough. The 1% own and operate the corporate media. They are doing everything they can to defend the status quo, squash dissent and protect the wealthy and the powerful. The Common Dreams media model is different. We cover the news that matters to the 99%. Our mission? To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. How? Nonprofit. Independent. Reader-supported. Free to read. Free to republish. Free to share. With no advertising. No paywalls. No selling of your data. Thousands of small donations fund our newsroom and allow us to continue publishing. Can you chip in? We can't do it without you. Thank you.