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Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.

Following recent claims by President Obama and NSA chief Keith Alexander that the National Security Agency does not monitor the communications of US citizens without a warrant, the Guardian published a new set of top secret documents on Thursday exposing the illegitimacy of those claims.
The published documents include two sets of NSA rules that had been approved through the secretive Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISA court), signed by Attorney General Eric Holder and stamped on July 29, 2009.
The rules outline "broad orders" that allow the NSA to use information "inadvertently" collected from US citizens who partake in cross-border communications. This information can include email and phone call content and be obtained without a warrant, as long as the citizen is engaging in foreign correspondence.
The orders mandate that "even under authorities governing the collection of foreign intelligence from foreign targets, US communications can still be collected, retained and used," even if a warrant has never been issued for the domestic communications, Guardian reporters Glenn Greenwald and James Ball write.
Following the court orders, domestic US communications that have been scooped up within the vast foreign intelligence dragnet surveillance programs--exposed by NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden this month--can be kept by the NSA for up to five years and used "if they contain usable intelligence, information on criminal activity, threat of harm to people or property, are encrypted, or are believed to contain any information relevant to cybersecurity."
In addition, the NSA can collect and hold "foreign intelligence information" contained within attorney-client communications in the US.
The NSA can also access the content of communications gathered from "US based machine[s]" or phone numbers "in order to establish if targets are located in the US, for the purposes of ceasing further surveillance."
Additionally, as the Guardian reports, the documents show that the decision over whose communications to rifle through, "lies directly with its own analysts, without recourse to courts or superiors - though a percentage of targeting decisions are reviewed by internal audit teams on a regular basis."
As Greenwald and Ball report, much of these rules are partially the result of the following conundrum: NSA "minimization procedures" signed by Holder in 2009 that were allegedly designed to minimize the targeting of people within the US "do not apply to large-scale data where the NSA claims it is unable to filter US communications from non-US ones."
Other details revealed in the new documents include:
"In practice, much of the decision-making appears to lie with NSA analysts, rather than the FISA court or senior officials," Greenwald and Ball summarize.
Overall, the documents appear to show that President Obama and senior intelligence officials, who continue to claim that the NSA could not access Americans' phone or email information without warrants, are not telling the truth.
As Greenwald and Ball conclude:
The broad nature of the court's oversight role, and the discretion given to NSA analysts, sheds light on responses from the administration and internet companies to the Guardian's disclosure of the PRISM program. They have stated that the content of online communications is turned over to the NSA only pursuant to a court order. But except when a US citizen is specifically targeted, the court orders used by the NSA to obtain that information as part of Prism are these general FAA orders, not individualized warrants specific to any individual.
Once armed with these general orders, the NSA is empowered to compel telephone and internet companies to turn over to it the communications of any individual identified by the NSA. The Fisa court plays no role in the selection of those individuals, nor does it monitor who is selected by the NSA.
_______________________
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Jacob Chamberlain is a former staff writer for Common Dreams. He is the author of Migrant Justice in the Age of Removal. His website is www.jacobpchamberlain.com.

Following recent claims by President Obama and NSA chief Keith Alexander that the National Security Agency does not monitor the communications of US citizens without a warrant, the Guardian published a new set of top secret documents on Thursday exposing the illegitimacy of those claims.
The published documents include two sets of NSA rules that had been approved through the secretive Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISA court), signed by Attorney General Eric Holder and stamped on July 29, 2009.
The rules outline "broad orders" that allow the NSA to use information "inadvertently" collected from US citizens who partake in cross-border communications. This information can include email and phone call content and be obtained without a warrant, as long as the citizen is engaging in foreign correspondence.
The orders mandate that "even under authorities governing the collection of foreign intelligence from foreign targets, US communications can still be collected, retained and used," even if a warrant has never been issued for the domestic communications, Guardian reporters Glenn Greenwald and James Ball write.
Following the court orders, domestic US communications that have been scooped up within the vast foreign intelligence dragnet surveillance programs--exposed by NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden this month--can be kept by the NSA for up to five years and used "if they contain usable intelligence, information on criminal activity, threat of harm to people or property, are encrypted, or are believed to contain any information relevant to cybersecurity."
In addition, the NSA can collect and hold "foreign intelligence information" contained within attorney-client communications in the US.
The NSA can also access the content of communications gathered from "US based machine[s]" or phone numbers "in order to establish if targets are located in the US, for the purposes of ceasing further surveillance."
Additionally, as the Guardian reports, the documents show that the decision over whose communications to rifle through, "lies directly with its own analysts, without recourse to courts or superiors - though a percentage of targeting decisions are reviewed by internal audit teams on a regular basis."
As Greenwald and Ball report, much of these rules are partially the result of the following conundrum: NSA "minimization procedures" signed by Holder in 2009 that were allegedly designed to minimize the targeting of people within the US "do not apply to large-scale data where the NSA claims it is unable to filter US communications from non-US ones."
Other details revealed in the new documents include:
"In practice, much of the decision-making appears to lie with NSA analysts, rather than the FISA court or senior officials," Greenwald and Ball summarize.
Overall, the documents appear to show that President Obama and senior intelligence officials, who continue to claim that the NSA could not access Americans' phone or email information without warrants, are not telling the truth.
As Greenwald and Ball conclude:
The broad nature of the court's oversight role, and the discretion given to NSA analysts, sheds light on responses from the administration and internet companies to the Guardian's disclosure of the PRISM program. They have stated that the content of online communications is turned over to the NSA only pursuant to a court order. But except when a US citizen is specifically targeted, the court orders used by the NSA to obtain that information as part of Prism are these general FAA orders, not individualized warrants specific to any individual.
Once armed with these general orders, the NSA is empowered to compel telephone and internet companies to turn over to it the communications of any individual identified by the NSA. The Fisa court plays no role in the selection of those individuals, nor does it monitor who is selected by the NSA.
_______________________
Jacob Chamberlain is a former staff writer for Common Dreams. He is the author of Migrant Justice in the Age of Removal. His website is www.jacobpchamberlain.com.

Following recent claims by President Obama and NSA chief Keith Alexander that the National Security Agency does not monitor the communications of US citizens without a warrant, the Guardian published a new set of top secret documents on Thursday exposing the illegitimacy of those claims.
The published documents include two sets of NSA rules that had been approved through the secretive Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISA court), signed by Attorney General Eric Holder and stamped on July 29, 2009.
The rules outline "broad orders" that allow the NSA to use information "inadvertently" collected from US citizens who partake in cross-border communications. This information can include email and phone call content and be obtained without a warrant, as long as the citizen is engaging in foreign correspondence.
The orders mandate that "even under authorities governing the collection of foreign intelligence from foreign targets, US communications can still be collected, retained and used," even if a warrant has never been issued for the domestic communications, Guardian reporters Glenn Greenwald and James Ball write.
Following the court orders, domestic US communications that have been scooped up within the vast foreign intelligence dragnet surveillance programs--exposed by NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden this month--can be kept by the NSA for up to five years and used "if they contain usable intelligence, information on criminal activity, threat of harm to people or property, are encrypted, or are believed to contain any information relevant to cybersecurity."
In addition, the NSA can collect and hold "foreign intelligence information" contained within attorney-client communications in the US.
The NSA can also access the content of communications gathered from "US based machine[s]" or phone numbers "in order to establish if targets are located in the US, for the purposes of ceasing further surveillance."
Additionally, as the Guardian reports, the documents show that the decision over whose communications to rifle through, "lies directly with its own analysts, without recourse to courts or superiors - though a percentage of targeting decisions are reviewed by internal audit teams on a regular basis."
As Greenwald and Ball report, much of these rules are partially the result of the following conundrum: NSA "minimization procedures" signed by Holder in 2009 that were allegedly designed to minimize the targeting of people within the US "do not apply to large-scale data where the NSA claims it is unable to filter US communications from non-US ones."
Other details revealed in the new documents include:
"In practice, much of the decision-making appears to lie with NSA analysts, rather than the FISA court or senior officials," Greenwald and Ball summarize.
Overall, the documents appear to show that President Obama and senior intelligence officials, who continue to claim that the NSA could not access Americans' phone or email information without warrants, are not telling the truth.
As Greenwald and Ball conclude:
The broad nature of the court's oversight role, and the discretion given to NSA analysts, sheds light on responses from the administration and internet companies to the Guardian's disclosure of the PRISM program. They have stated that the content of online communications is turned over to the NSA only pursuant to a court order. But except when a US citizen is specifically targeted, the court orders used by the NSA to obtain that information as part of Prism are these general FAA orders, not individualized warrants specific to any individual.
Once armed with these general orders, the NSA is empowered to compel telephone and internet companies to turn over to it the communications of any individual identified by the NSA. The Fisa court plays no role in the selection of those individuals, nor does it monitor who is selected by the NSA.
_______________________