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To many Pakistanis the most shocking aspect of the latest Taliban
bombing was not the death toll, or the injuries inflicted on survivors,
but the question that it raised: what was a team of American soldiers
doing in a tense corner of North West Frontier province?
In a
way, the attack tugged the veil from a multi-faceted military
assistance program that, while not secret, is rarely publicized - by
either side.
President Obama's public aid to Pakistan
is transparent: $1.5bn a year for the next five years, mainly to boost
the civilian government. But behind the scenes the US is engaged in
other ways. Over the past decade it has given over $12bn in cash
directly to the military to subsidize the costs of fighting the
Taliban and al-Qaida. The program to train the Frontier Corps, which
the killed soldiers were involved with, is estimated to be worth
$400m more over several years.
Generously provisioned
counter-narcotics programs operate along the Afghan border, funding
everything from wells to schools. In Islamabad military contractors -
usually retired army personnel - are paid to advise the army,
discreetly working out of suburban houses. All this is hugely
sensitive. Public opinion in Pakistan is overwhelmingly hostile to
American "interference".
Last year a media furor erupted over
the role of the contractor Blackwater, which vocal right-wing
commentators believed was part of a covert plot to steal the country's
nuclear weapons.
The Taliban played on that fear yesterday with a
spokesman describing the bomb as "revenge for the blasts carried out by
Blackwater in Pakistan".
The critics are backed by public opinion. A survey last October found that 80% of Pakistanis rejected American assistance in fighting the Taliban.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
To many Pakistanis the most shocking aspect of the latest Taliban
bombing was not the death toll, or the injuries inflicted on survivors,
but the question that it raised: what was a team of American soldiers
doing in a tense corner of North West Frontier province?
In a
way, the attack tugged the veil from a multi-faceted military
assistance program that, while not secret, is rarely publicized - by
either side.
President Obama's public aid to Pakistan
is transparent: $1.5bn a year for the next five years, mainly to boost
the civilian government. But behind the scenes the US is engaged in
other ways. Over the past decade it has given over $12bn in cash
directly to the military to subsidize the costs of fighting the
Taliban and al-Qaida. The program to train the Frontier Corps, which
the killed soldiers were involved with, is estimated to be worth
$400m more over several years.
Generously provisioned
counter-narcotics programs operate along the Afghan border, funding
everything from wells to schools. In Islamabad military contractors -
usually retired army personnel - are paid to advise the army,
discreetly working out of suburban houses. All this is hugely
sensitive. Public opinion in Pakistan is overwhelmingly hostile to
American "interference".
Last year a media furor erupted over
the role of the contractor Blackwater, which vocal right-wing
commentators believed was part of a covert plot to steal the country's
nuclear weapons.
The Taliban played on that fear yesterday with a
spokesman describing the bomb as "revenge for the blasts carried out by
Blackwater in Pakistan".
The critics are backed by public opinion. A survey last October found that 80% of Pakistanis rejected American assistance in fighting the Taliban.
To many Pakistanis the most shocking aspect of the latest Taliban
bombing was not the death toll, or the injuries inflicted on survivors,
but the question that it raised: what was a team of American soldiers
doing in a tense corner of North West Frontier province?
In a
way, the attack tugged the veil from a multi-faceted military
assistance program that, while not secret, is rarely publicized - by
either side.
President Obama's public aid to Pakistan
is transparent: $1.5bn a year for the next five years, mainly to boost
the civilian government. But behind the scenes the US is engaged in
other ways. Over the past decade it has given over $12bn in cash
directly to the military to subsidize the costs of fighting the
Taliban and al-Qaida. The program to train the Frontier Corps, which
the killed soldiers were involved with, is estimated to be worth
$400m more over several years.
Generously provisioned
counter-narcotics programs operate along the Afghan border, funding
everything from wells to schools. In Islamabad military contractors -
usually retired army personnel - are paid to advise the army,
discreetly working out of suburban houses. All this is hugely
sensitive. Public opinion in Pakistan is overwhelmingly hostile to
American "interference".
Last year a media furor erupted over
the role of the contractor Blackwater, which vocal right-wing
commentators believed was part of a covert plot to steal the country's
nuclear weapons.
The Taliban played on that fear yesterday with a
spokesman describing the bomb as "revenge for the blasts carried out by
Blackwater in Pakistan".
The critics are backed by public opinion. A survey last October found that 80% of Pakistanis rejected American assistance in fighting the Taliban.