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The Bush administration has spied on the Iraqi prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, and other senior figures in his government, the Washington Post reported today.
The
claim is one of many in a new book by the paper's associate editor Bob
Woodward, who with Carl Bernstein uncovered the Watergate scandal that
led to Richard Nixon's resignation.
The War Within: A Secret White House History 2006-2008 is based on more than 150 interviews with key figures in the Iraq war
as well two interviews with the president himself. The books paints a
picture of Bush often at loggerheads with his military advisers and
other officials.
Woodward says groundbreaking surveillance
techniques - and not the much-trumpeted surge by 30,000 additional
troops - were the main reason for the reduction in violence in Iraq
over the past 16 months.
In 2006, Bush maintained publicly that
US forces were winning, while privately believing the strategy of
training Iraq security forces and transferring responsibility to the
new government was failing, according to the Post.
Woodward says
the president lost confidence in General George Casey, then the
commander of coalition forces in Iraq, and General John Abizaid, who
was the head of US central command.
In October 2006 Bush asked
his national security adviser, Stephen Hadley, to carry out a review of
the Iraq war. But the report ignored the military and was kept secret
for fear of jeopardising the Republican party's popularity in the
mid-term congressional elections, the book says.
The Pentagon
reluctantly agreed to a troop surge of two brigades, but the White
House decided on five. Asked how this decision was reached, Bush told
Woodward: "Okay, I don't know this. I'm not in these meetings, you'll
be happy to hear, because I got other things to do."
Woodward
says Casey described the 2007 surge as a "troop sump". Abizaid and the
then defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, also opposed the scale of the
operation, and the secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, had
reservations.
Casey told a colleague that Bush reflected the
"radical wing of the Republican party that kept saying, 'Kill the
bastards! Kill the bastards! And you'll succeed'", writes Woodward.
The
book says joint chiefs of staff were in near revolt in late 2006, with
Admiral Michael Mullen, then serving as chief of naval operations,
fearing the military would "take the fall" for failure in Iraq.
Woodward
does credit the influx of troops with contributing to the fall in
violence. But he cites as important factors the Shia cleric Moqtada
al-Sadr's reining-in of his powerful Mahdi army, the so-called Anbar
Awakening - in which Sunni fighters allied with US forces to fight
against al-Qaida - and covert operations targeting key individuals in
extremist groups.
While Bush developed a close relationship with
Maliki, US officials feared the impact the surveillance of the prime
minister would have, according to Woodward. "We know everything he
says," a source told Woodward.
The book is Woodward's fourth on the Bush administration and its actions in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
The Bush administration has spied on the Iraqi prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, and other senior figures in his government, the Washington Post reported today.
The
claim is one of many in a new book by the paper's associate editor Bob
Woodward, who with Carl Bernstein uncovered the Watergate scandal that
led to Richard Nixon's resignation.
The War Within: A Secret White House History 2006-2008 is based on more than 150 interviews with key figures in the Iraq war
as well two interviews with the president himself. The books paints a
picture of Bush often at loggerheads with his military advisers and
other officials.
Woodward says groundbreaking surveillance
techniques - and not the much-trumpeted surge by 30,000 additional
troops - were the main reason for the reduction in violence in Iraq
over the past 16 months.
In 2006, Bush maintained publicly that
US forces were winning, while privately believing the strategy of
training Iraq security forces and transferring responsibility to the
new government was failing, according to the Post.
Woodward says
the president lost confidence in General George Casey, then the
commander of coalition forces in Iraq, and General John Abizaid, who
was the head of US central command.
In October 2006 Bush asked
his national security adviser, Stephen Hadley, to carry out a review of
the Iraq war. But the report ignored the military and was kept secret
for fear of jeopardising the Republican party's popularity in the
mid-term congressional elections, the book says.
The Pentagon
reluctantly agreed to a troop surge of two brigades, but the White
House decided on five. Asked how this decision was reached, Bush told
Woodward: "Okay, I don't know this. I'm not in these meetings, you'll
be happy to hear, because I got other things to do."
Woodward
says Casey described the 2007 surge as a "troop sump". Abizaid and the
then defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, also opposed the scale of the
operation, and the secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, had
reservations.
Casey told a colleague that Bush reflected the
"radical wing of the Republican party that kept saying, 'Kill the
bastards! Kill the bastards! And you'll succeed'", writes Woodward.
The
book says joint chiefs of staff were in near revolt in late 2006, with
Admiral Michael Mullen, then serving as chief of naval operations,
fearing the military would "take the fall" for failure in Iraq.
Woodward
does credit the influx of troops with contributing to the fall in
violence. But he cites as important factors the Shia cleric Moqtada
al-Sadr's reining-in of his powerful Mahdi army, the so-called Anbar
Awakening - in which Sunni fighters allied with US forces to fight
against al-Qaida - and covert operations targeting key individuals in
extremist groups.
While Bush developed a close relationship with
Maliki, US officials feared the impact the surveillance of the prime
minister would have, according to Woodward. "We know everything he
says," a source told Woodward.
The book is Woodward's fourth on the Bush administration and its actions in Iraq and Afghanistan.
The Bush administration has spied on the Iraqi prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, and other senior figures in his government, the Washington Post reported today.
The
claim is one of many in a new book by the paper's associate editor Bob
Woodward, who with Carl Bernstein uncovered the Watergate scandal that
led to Richard Nixon's resignation.
The War Within: A Secret White House History 2006-2008 is based on more than 150 interviews with key figures in the Iraq war
as well two interviews with the president himself. The books paints a
picture of Bush often at loggerheads with his military advisers and
other officials.
Woodward says groundbreaking surveillance
techniques - and not the much-trumpeted surge by 30,000 additional
troops - were the main reason for the reduction in violence in Iraq
over the past 16 months.
In 2006, Bush maintained publicly that
US forces were winning, while privately believing the strategy of
training Iraq security forces and transferring responsibility to the
new government was failing, according to the Post.
Woodward says
the president lost confidence in General George Casey, then the
commander of coalition forces in Iraq, and General John Abizaid, who
was the head of US central command.
In October 2006 Bush asked
his national security adviser, Stephen Hadley, to carry out a review of
the Iraq war. But the report ignored the military and was kept secret
for fear of jeopardising the Republican party's popularity in the
mid-term congressional elections, the book says.
The Pentagon
reluctantly agreed to a troop surge of two brigades, but the White
House decided on five. Asked how this decision was reached, Bush told
Woodward: "Okay, I don't know this. I'm not in these meetings, you'll
be happy to hear, because I got other things to do."
Woodward
says Casey described the 2007 surge as a "troop sump". Abizaid and the
then defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, also opposed the scale of the
operation, and the secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, had
reservations.
Casey told a colleague that Bush reflected the
"radical wing of the Republican party that kept saying, 'Kill the
bastards! Kill the bastards! And you'll succeed'", writes Woodward.
The
book says joint chiefs of staff were in near revolt in late 2006, with
Admiral Michael Mullen, then serving as chief of naval operations,
fearing the military would "take the fall" for failure in Iraq.
Woodward
does credit the influx of troops with contributing to the fall in
violence. But he cites as important factors the Shia cleric Moqtada
al-Sadr's reining-in of his powerful Mahdi army, the so-called Anbar
Awakening - in which Sunni fighters allied with US forces to fight
against al-Qaida - and covert operations targeting key individuals in
extremist groups.
While Bush developed a close relationship with
Maliki, US officials feared the impact the surveillance of the prime
minister would have, according to Woodward. "We know everything he
says," a source told Woodward.
The book is Woodward's fourth on the Bush administration and its actions in Iraq and Afghanistan.