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"The information that could bring down Trump -- and that presumably Robert Mueller is trying to obtain -- may be somewhere in the Deutsche Bank files." (Photo: by HomeArt/Shutterstock)
Marty Byrde has a problem. His partner at the financial services firm has been skimming off the top of the money-laundering service they're providing a Mexican narcotrafficker. The drug dealer responds by killing Marty's partner.
He's just about to put a bullet into Marty as well when, in desperation, the financial planner comes up with a cockamamie idea to move the money-laundering operation from Chicago down to the Ozarks. Bemused by this last-ditch plea, the dealer agrees. But Marty must first pass a test: he has to launder $8 million over the summer in Missouri lake country.
This is the premise of the Netflix series Ozark. It's the perfect series for the Trump era.
Every administration offers the country a crash course in something. The George W. Bush administration made terrorism experts of us all. The Obama administration forced us to become knowledgeable about economic recovery, sequestration, and economic recovery plans.
And now, to understand the rise and (inevitable) fall of Donald J. Trump, it's imperative to learn the ins and outs of money laundering.
Sure, the TV show Breaking Bad provided an introduction to the subject, but money laundering was only ancillary to the main action of producing and distributing methamphetamine. Ozark goes into the gory details of finding investments, cooking the books, churning the loot, parking it overseas, and making the final product available from ATMs the world over.
It's a feat of alchemy, to turn bad money into good. It also mirrors the functioning of the world of finance more generally. After all, who really understands what takes place in the alembics of Wall Street? As Marty Byrde points out, as he's considering the pros and cons of working for the narcotraffickers, he's already been doing a form of money laundering in his day job.
That money -- perhaps from Big Tobacco or Big Pharma or underpaid child laborers or land stolen from small farmers -- may not have been all that clean to begin with. And Wall Street is notorious for cooking the books and finding tax dodges to shelter gains from the grasping hands of government.
But, technically, money laundering has to be connected to a crime, like the sales of narcotics or human trafficking. Illegal drugs alone account for as much as $100 billion in sales a year in the United States. Physically, that's 20 million pounds of currency. Globally, that figure is $4 trillion -- that's nearly a billion pounds of currency. Talk about off the scales!
The billion-dollar question is: How much of that filthy lucre has circulated through Donald Trump's business empire?
Before he became president, Donald Trump was basically an unsuccessful businessman who managed, time and again, to fail upward. He filed for bankruptcy six times -- five times for his casinos and once for the Plaza Hotel.
He's been involved in several high-profile and very expensive investments that ultimately didn't go forward: the West Side Yards in New York City, the Trump International Hotel and Tower in Dubai, Trump Towers Rio, Trump Ocean Resort in Baja, Mexico, and several shady real-estate deals in Florida.
An astounding number of his other business ventures have gone belly up too, including Trump Airlines, Trump University, and Trump Magazine.
Trump's business failures over the years and his unorthodox financial behavior pushed him to the margins of the financial world. Only one institution, Deutsche Bank, continued to supply him with credit. Otherwise, Trump began to rely on some questionable characters and networks. He created baroque financial arrangements involving shell companies. He used pseudonyms on contracts. He became squirrely about his tax returns.
And he started to use large amounts of cash. For instance, he purchased huge properties -- golf courses in the UK ($79 million), a Scottish estate ($12 million), a Virginia winery ($16 million) -- in cash. In all, since 2006, he paid for properties in cash to the tune of $400 million.
It just so happens that these are all telltale signs of money laundering: the cash, the shell companies, the pseudonyms, the lack of transparency and due diligence. But let's dig a little deeper.
In 1984, a Russian emigre with an auspicious name -- David Bogatin (which roughly translates into "rich guy" in Russian) -- bought five condos for $6 million at Trump Tower in Manhattan. Trump was very buddy-buddy with Bogatin at the time. But three years later, Craig Unger writes in The New Republic...
Bogatin pleaded guilty to taking part in a massive gasoline-bootlegging scheme with Russian mobsters. After he fled the country, the government seized his five condos at Trump Tower, saying that he had purchased them to "launder money, to shelter and hide assets." A Senate investigation into organized crime later revealed that Bogatin was a leading figure in the Russian mob in New York.
A Buzzfeed investigation earlier this year found that fully one-fifth of the condos in Trump's properties since the 1980s have been bought in cash, which allows the purchasers to avoid the scrutiny required by mortgage companies. Many of the purchasers were shell companies.
All-cash real-estate transactions are often a sign of money laundering, according to the Treasury Department's financial-crimes unit. Indeed, the Treasury Department estimates that one-third of all transactions involving high-end real estate involves potential money laundering.
Many of the purchasers of Trump properties are Russian. A Reuters investigation last year discovered that Russian buyers purchased nearly $100 million in condos in Florida from Trump. A Russian-Canadian billionaire poured millions into a Trump property in Toronto, including a $100 million "commission" to a Moscow fixer to attract other Russian investors. In 2008, a Russian oligarch paid $95 million to Trump for a Palm Beach mansion that the Russian never subsequently occupied. It was an extraordinary mark-up for a property Trump had bought four years before for $41 million.
Of course, Trump's shady dealings aren't exclusively with Russians. He's eclectic that way. He's made deals with Kazakh money launderers, with corrupt businesses in India, and with a shady casino operator hoping to expand his operation in Vietnam.
Nor is real estate the only realm where Trump has been involved with potential money laundering. In 2015, federal authorities fined the already-bankrupt Trump Taj Mahal $10 million for violations of anti-money-laundering laws.
It wasn't even the first time that the casino attracted the attention of federal regulators. In a 1998 settlement, which cost the operation over $450,000, the Taj Mahal was cited for breaking anti-money-laundering laws 106 times in only its first 18 months of operation.
Even here, at the Taj Mahal, the story circles around to Russia. As CNN reports, "The violations date back to a time when the Taj Mahal was the preferred gambling spot for Russian mobsters living in Brooklyn, according to federal investigators who tracked organized crime in New York City."
Russian money saved Trump on several occasions when his projects were on the verge of collapse. Now that Trump has improbably failed all the way up to the White House, Russian money may well be the cause of his political demise.
Russia has been a money-laundering state for some time. During the Yeltsin period, the state attracted billions of dollars in Western aid, which it then laundered back overseas in Western bank accounts. Worse, powerful institutions in the West like the International Monetary Fund knew about the scam and tolerated it because it wanted to keep Yeltsin in power. The bagmen who transferred the $15 billion? Russian organized crime.
Vladimir Putin didn't create post-Soviet corruption or the oligarch system that perpetuates it. Rather, he adapted the system to his own purposes -- and for the financial benefit of his circle of friends.
The Panama Papers -- the leaked papers from Mossack Fonseca, an offshore law firm -- revealed the mechanisms by which Putin's associates transferred enormous sums of money overseas in an effort to conceal assets. Putin himself is reported to have at least a $40 billion fortune, but he has also parked a lot of money in shell companies created by his associates.
Other investigations reveal how Russian oligarchs and organized crime figures (sometimes one and the same) used banks to launder their money. Last year a Danish bank shut down its Russian accounts because of money laundering that even reached into Putin's own family. Between 2007 and 2015, the Estonian branch of Danske Bank made over 43,000 transactions to launder 7 billion euros associated with various Russian frauds.
Then there's Deutsche Bank, the one financial institution that stuck with Donald Trump when virtually all other banks wouldn't touch him. It even extended him credit after he refused to pay back the $330 million remaining on a Deutsche Bank loan because of the 2008 financial crisis (a global downturn that didn't prevent him from making other investments at exactly the same time). As Luke Harding explains in his book Collusion, Trump...
paid back Deutsche with a massive lifeline -- from Deutsche. Only this time he eschewed its real estate team -- which wanted nothing to do with him -- and got a loan from its private wealth division. This group typically deals with high-net-worth individuals, not real estate transactions, but in 2010 it not only lent him the money he owed its real estate team but also reportedly gave Trump another $25 million to $50 million in credit.
These facts might not be noteworthy if Deutsche Bank were also not becoming thick with Russian money launderers. Last year, the bank was fined over $600 million for its role in laundering $10 billion of Russian currency.
The information that could bring down Trump -- and that presumably Robert Mueller is trying to obtain -- may be somewhere in the Deutsche Bank files. The relevant documents would link the bank's two most questionable financial activities -- lending to Trump and washing Russian money.
Compromising information about money laundering, not lurid details about Trump's sexual exploits, is what explains the president's extreme deference to Vladimir Putin. As Alena Ledeneva, an expert on Russian business practices, explained to The New Yorker:
It is possible that there is kompromat in the hands of several different business groups in the former Soviet Union. Each would have bits and pieces of damaging information and might have found subtle (or not so subtle) ways to communicate that fact to both Trump and Putin. Putin would likely have gathered some of that material, but he would have known that he couldn't get everything.
Mueller has come close. He has charged Trump associate Paul Manafort, who had his own illegal dealings with Russian partners, with money laundering. He's gone after other Trumpsters with connections to Russia (Michael Flynn, Carter Page, George Papadopoulos).
Most critically, he's got Trump lawyer Michael Cohen on the hook. Forget about payments to Trump's paramours. Sex sells, but it won't be what brings Trump down. The real reason the president is so freaked out about his lawyer's loyalties is that Cohen is at the nexus of the Russia and finance network. Writes Jonathan Chait in New York Magazine:
Cohen has collected vast unreported sums, which were either cash-for-access functioning as quasi-bribes or straight-out bribes. Trump, frequently working through Cohen, has built inscrutable ties to worldwide criminal sources who wash ill-gotten sums through his real estate ventures.
The special counsel is not on a fishing expedition. He knows exactly what he's looking for. The sloppiness and ineptitude of the Trump coterie -- which make Nixon's Watergate conspirators seem like Oceans 11 -- virtually ensure that some evidence of wrongdoing is there. The problem is that many powerful and ruthless people are involved in different parts of Russia's money-laundering scheme. Overcoming the pushback from those quarters may prove the most challenging part of Mueller's job.
By the end of season one of Ozark, Marty Byrde has survived any number of near-death experiences. Netflix has renewed for a second season of mayhem in Missouri. Donald Trump has also managed to weather one scandal after another. With very low ratings and an investigation closing in, however, Donald Trump will be lucky to survive his first season in office.
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Marty Byrde has a problem. His partner at the financial services firm has been skimming off the top of the money-laundering service they're providing a Mexican narcotrafficker. The drug dealer responds by killing Marty's partner.
He's just about to put a bullet into Marty as well when, in desperation, the financial planner comes up with a cockamamie idea to move the money-laundering operation from Chicago down to the Ozarks. Bemused by this last-ditch plea, the dealer agrees. But Marty must first pass a test: he has to launder $8 million over the summer in Missouri lake country.
This is the premise of the Netflix series Ozark. It's the perfect series for the Trump era.
Every administration offers the country a crash course in something. The George W. Bush administration made terrorism experts of us all. The Obama administration forced us to become knowledgeable about economic recovery, sequestration, and economic recovery plans.
And now, to understand the rise and (inevitable) fall of Donald J. Trump, it's imperative to learn the ins and outs of money laundering.
Sure, the TV show Breaking Bad provided an introduction to the subject, but money laundering was only ancillary to the main action of producing and distributing methamphetamine. Ozark goes into the gory details of finding investments, cooking the books, churning the loot, parking it overseas, and making the final product available from ATMs the world over.
It's a feat of alchemy, to turn bad money into good. It also mirrors the functioning of the world of finance more generally. After all, who really understands what takes place in the alembics of Wall Street? As Marty Byrde points out, as he's considering the pros and cons of working for the narcotraffickers, he's already been doing a form of money laundering in his day job.
That money -- perhaps from Big Tobacco or Big Pharma or underpaid child laborers or land stolen from small farmers -- may not have been all that clean to begin with. And Wall Street is notorious for cooking the books and finding tax dodges to shelter gains from the grasping hands of government.
But, technically, money laundering has to be connected to a crime, like the sales of narcotics or human trafficking. Illegal drugs alone account for as much as $100 billion in sales a year in the United States. Physically, that's 20 million pounds of currency. Globally, that figure is $4 trillion -- that's nearly a billion pounds of currency. Talk about off the scales!
The billion-dollar question is: How much of that filthy lucre has circulated through Donald Trump's business empire?
Before he became president, Donald Trump was basically an unsuccessful businessman who managed, time and again, to fail upward. He filed for bankruptcy six times -- five times for his casinos and once for the Plaza Hotel.
He's been involved in several high-profile and very expensive investments that ultimately didn't go forward: the West Side Yards in New York City, the Trump International Hotel and Tower in Dubai, Trump Towers Rio, Trump Ocean Resort in Baja, Mexico, and several shady real-estate deals in Florida.
An astounding number of his other business ventures have gone belly up too, including Trump Airlines, Trump University, and Trump Magazine.
Trump's business failures over the years and his unorthodox financial behavior pushed him to the margins of the financial world. Only one institution, Deutsche Bank, continued to supply him with credit. Otherwise, Trump began to rely on some questionable characters and networks. He created baroque financial arrangements involving shell companies. He used pseudonyms on contracts. He became squirrely about his tax returns.
And he started to use large amounts of cash. For instance, he purchased huge properties -- golf courses in the UK ($79 million), a Scottish estate ($12 million), a Virginia winery ($16 million) -- in cash. In all, since 2006, he paid for properties in cash to the tune of $400 million.
It just so happens that these are all telltale signs of money laundering: the cash, the shell companies, the pseudonyms, the lack of transparency and due diligence. But let's dig a little deeper.
In 1984, a Russian emigre with an auspicious name -- David Bogatin (which roughly translates into "rich guy" in Russian) -- bought five condos for $6 million at Trump Tower in Manhattan. Trump was very buddy-buddy with Bogatin at the time. But three years later, Craig Unger writes in The New Republic...
Bogatin pleaded guilty to taking part in a massive gasoline-bootlegging scheme with Russian mobsters. After he fled the country, the government seized his five condos at Trump Tower, saying that he had purchased them to "launder money, to shelter and hide assets." A Senate investigation into organized crime later revealed that Bogatin was a leading figure in the Russian mob in New York.
A Buzzfeed investigation earlier this year found that fully one-fifth of the condos in Trump's properties since the 1980s have been bought in cash, which allows the purchasers to avoid the scrutiny required by mortgage companies. Many of the purchasers were shell companies.
All-cash real-estate transactions are often a sign of money laundering, according to the Treasury Department's financial-crimes unit. Indeed, the Treasury Department estimates that one-third of all transactions involving high-end real estate involves potential money laundering.
Many of the purchasers of Trump properties are Russian. A Reuters investigation last year discovered that Russian buyers purchased nearly $100 million in condos in Florida from Trump. A Russian-Canadian billionaire poured millions into a Trump property in Toronto, including a $100 million "commission" to a Moscow fixer to attract other Russian investors. In 2008, a Russian oligarch paid $95 million to Trump for a Palm Beach mansion that the Russian never subsequently occupied. It was an extraordinary mark-up for a property Trump had bought four years before for $41 million.
Of course, Trump's shady dealings aren't exclusively with Russians. He's eclectic that way. He's made deals with Kazakh money launderers, with corrupt businesses in India, and with a shady casino operator hoping to expand his operation in Vietnam.
Nor is real estate the only realm where Trump has been involved with potential money laundering. In 2015, federal authorities fined the already-bankrupt Trump Taj Mahal $10 million for violations of anti-money-laundering laws.
It wasn't even the first time that the casino attracted the attention of federal regulators. In a 1998 settlement, which cost the operation over $450,000, the Taj Mahal was cited for breaking anti-money-laundering laws 106 times in only its first 18 months of operation.
Even here, at the Taj Mahal, the story circles around to Russia. As CNN reports, "The violations date back to a time when the Taj Mahal was the preferred gambling spot for Russian mobsters living in Brooklyn, according to federal investigators who tracked organized crime in New York City."
Russian money saved Trump on several occasions when his projects were on the verge of collapse. Now that Trump has improbably failed all the way up to the White House, Russian money may well be the cause of his political demise.
Russia has been a money-laundering state for some time. During the Yeltsin period, the state attracted billions of dollars in Western aid, which it then laundered back overseas in Western bank accounts. Worse, powerful institutions in the West like the International Monetary Fund knew about the scam and tolerated it because it wanted to keep Yeltsin in power. The bagmen who transferred the $15 billion? Russian organized crime.
Vladimir Putin didn't create post-Soviet corruption or the oligarch system that perpetuates it. Rather, he adapted the system to his own purposes -- and for the financial benefit of his circle of friends.
The Panama Papers -- the leaked papers from Mossack Fonseca, an offshore law firm -- revealed the mechanisms by which Putin's associates transferred enormous sums of money overseas in an effort to conceal assets. Putin himself is reported to have at least a $40 billion fortune, but he has also parked a lot of money in shell companies created by his associates.
Other investigations reveal how Russian oligarchs and organized crime figures (sometimes one and the same) used banks to launder their money. Last year a Danish bank shut down its Russian accounts because of money laundering that even reached into Putin's own family. Between 2007 and 2015, the Estonian branch of Danske Bank made over 43,000 transactions to launder 7 billion euros associated with various Russian frauds.
Then there's Deutsche Bank, the one financial institution that stuck with Donald Trump when virtually all other banks wouldn't touch him. It even extended him credit after he refused to pay back the $330 million remaining on a Deutsche Bank loan because of the 2008 financial crisis (a global downturn that didn't prevent him from making other investments at exactly the same time). As Luke Harding explains in his book Collusion, Trump...
paid back Deutsche with a massive lifeline -- from Deutsche. Only this time he eschewed its real estate team -- which wanted nothing to do with him -- and got a loan from its private wealth division. This group typically deals with high-net-worth individuals, not real estate transactions, but in 2010 it not only lent him the money he owed its real estate team but also reportedly gave Trump another $25 million to $50 million in credit.
These facts might not be noteworthy if Deutsche Bank were also not becoming thick with Russian money launderers. Last year, the bank was fined over $600 million for its role in laundering $10 billion of Russian currency.
The information that could bring down Trump -- and that presumably Robert Mueller is trying to obtain -- may be somewhere in the Deutsche Bank files. The relevant documents would link the bank's two most questionable financial activities -- lending to Trump and washing Russian money.
Compromising information about money laundering, not lurid details about Trump's sexual exploits, is what explains the president's extreme deference to Vladimir Putin. As Alena Ledeneva, an expert on Russian business practices, explained to The New Yorker:
It is possible that there is kompromat in the hands of several different business groups in the former Soviet Union. Each would have bits and pieces of damaging information and might have found subtle (or not so subtle) ways to communicate that fact to both Trump and Putin. Putin would likely have gathered some of that material, but he would have known that he couldn't get everything.
Mueller has come close. He has charged Trump associate Paul Manafort, who had his own illegal dealings with Russian partners, with money laundering. He's gone after other Trumpsters with connections to Russia (Michael Flynn, Carter Page, George Papadopoulos).
Most critically, he's got Trump lawyer Michael Cohen on the hook. Forget about payments to Trump's paramours. Sex sells, but it won't be what brings Trump down. The real reason the president is so freaked out about his lawyer's loyalties is that Cohen is at the nexus of the Russia and finance network. Writes Jonathan Chait in New York Magazine:
Cohen has collected vast unreported sums, which were either cash-for-access functioning as quasi-bribes or straight-out bribes. Trump, frequently working through Cohen, has built inscrutable ties to worldwide criminal sources who wash ill-gotten sums through his real estate ventures.
The special counsel is not on a fishing expedition. He knows exactly what he's looking for. The sloppiness and ineptitude of the Trump coterie -- which make Nixon's Watergate conspirators seem like Oceans 11 -- virtually ensure that some evidence of wrongdoing is there. The problem is that many powerful and ruthless people are involved in different parts of Russia's money-laundering scheme. Overcoming the pushback from those quarters may prove the most challenging part of Mueller's job.
By the end of season one of Ozark, Marty Byrde has survived any number of near-death experiences. Netflix has renewed for a second season of mayhem in Missouri. Donald Trump has also managed to weather one scandal after another. With very low ratings and an investigation closing in, however, Donald Trump will be lucky to survive his first season in office.
Marty Byrde has a problem. His partner at the financial services firm has been skimming off the top of the money-laundering service they're providing a Mexican narcotrafficker. The drug dealer responds by killing Marty's partner.
He's just about to put a bullet into Marty as well when, in desperation, the financial planner comes up with a cockamamie idea to move the money-laundering operation from Chicago down to the Ozarks. Bemused by this last-ditch plea, the dealer agrees. But Marty must first pass a test: he has to launder $8 million over the summer in Missouri lake country.
This is the premise of the Netflix series Ozark. It's the perfect series for the Trump era.
Every administration offers the country a crash course in something. The George W. Bush administration made terrorism experts of us all. The Obama administration forced us to become knowledgeable about economic recovery, sequestration, and economic recovery plans.
And now, to understand the rise and (inevitable) fall of Donald J. Trump, it's imperative to learn the ins and outs of money laundering.
Sure, the TV show Breaking Bad provided an introduction to the subject, but money laundering was only ancillary to the main action of producing and distributing methamphetamine. Ozark goes into the gory details of finding investments, cooking the books, churning the loot, parking it overseas, and making the final product available from ATMs the world over.
It's a feat of alchemy, to turn bad money into good. It also mirrors the functioning of the world of finance more generally. After all, who really understands what takes place in the alembics of Wall Street? As Marty Byrde points out, as he's considering the pros and cons of working for the narcotraffickers, he's already been doing a form of money laundering in his day job.
That money -- perhaps from Big Tobacco or Big Pharma or underpaid child laborers or land stolen from small farmers -- may not have been all that clean to begin with. And Wall Street is notorious for cooking the books and finding tax dodges to shelter gains from the grasping hands of government.
But, technically, money laundering has to be connected to a crime, like the sales of narcotics or human trafficking. Illegal drugs alone account for as much as $100 billion in sales a year in the United States. Physically, that's 20 million pounds of currency. Globally, that figure is $4 trillion -- that's nearly a billion pounds of currency. Talk about off the scales!
The billion-dollar question is: How much of that filthy lucre has circulated through Donald Trump's business empire?
Before he became president, Donald Trump was basically an unsuccessful businessman who managed, time and again, to fail upward. He filed for bankruptcy six times -- five times for his casinos and once for the Plaza Hotel.
He's been involved in several high-profile and very expensive investments that ultimately didn't go forward: the West Side Yards in New York City, the Trump International Hotel and Tower in Dubai, Trump Towers Rio, Trump Ocean Resort in Baja, Mexico, and several shady real-estate deals in Florida.
An astounding number of his other business ventures have gone belly up too, including Trump Airlines, Trump University, and Trump Magazine.
Trump's business failures over the years and his unorthodox financial behavior pushed him to the margins of the financial world. Only one institution, Deutsche Bank, continued to supply him with credit. Otherwise, Trump began to rely on some questionable characters and networks. He created baroque financial arrangements involving shell companies. He used pseudonyms on contracts. He became squirrely about his tax returns.
And he started to use large amounts of cash. For instance, he purchased huge properties -- golf courses in the UK ($79 million), a Scottish estate ($12 million), a Virginia winery ($16 million) -- in cash. In all, since 2006, he paid for properties in cash to the tune of $400 million.
It just so happens that these are all telltale signs of money laundering: the cash, the shell companies, the pseudonyms, the lack of transparency and due diligence. But let's dig a little deeper.
In 1984, a Russian emigre with an auspicious name -- David Bogatin (which roughly translates into "rich guy" in Russian) -- bought five condos for $6 million at Trump Tower in Manhattan. Trump was very buddy-buddy with Bogatin at the time. But three years later, Craig Unger writes in The New Republic...
Bogatin pleaded guilty to taking part in a massive gasoline-bootlegging scheme with Russian mobsters. After he fled the country, the government seized his five condos at Trump Tower, saying that he had purchased them to "launder money, to shelter and hide assets." A Senate investigation into organized crime later revealed that Bogatin was a leading figure in the Russian mob in New York.
A Buzzfeed investigation earlier this year found that fully one-fifth of the condos in Trump's properties since the 1980s have been bought in cash, which allows the purchasers to avoid the scrutiny required by mortgage companies. Many of the purchasers were shell companies.
All-cash real-estate transactions are often a sign of money laundering, according to the Treasury Department's financial-crimes unit. Indeed, the Treasury Department estimates that one-third of all transactions involving high-end real estate involves potential money laundering.
Many of the purchasers of Trump properties are Russian. A Reuters investigation last year discovered that Russian buyers purchased nearly $100 million in condos in Florida from Trump. A Russian-Canadian billionaire poured millions into a Trump property in Toronto, including a $100 million "commission" to a Moscow fixer to attract other Russian investors. In 2008, a Russian oligarch paid $95 million to Trump for a Palm Beach mansion that the Russian never subsequently occupied. It was an extraordinary mark-up for a property Trump had bought four years before for $41 million.
Of course, Trump's shady dealings aren't exclusively with Russians. He's eclectic that way. He's made deals with Kazakh money launderers, with corrupt businesses in India, and with a shady casino operator hoping to expand his operation in Vietnam.
Nor is real estate the only realm where Trump has been involved with potential money laundering. In 2015, federal authorities fined the already-bankrupt Trump Taj Mahal $10 million for violations of anti-money-laundering laws.
It wasn't even the first time that the casino attracted the attention of federal regulators. In a 1998 settlement, which cost the operation over $450,000, the Taj Mahal was cited for breaking anti-money-laundering laws 106 times in only its first 18 months of operation.
Even here, at the Taj Mahal, the story circles around to Russia. As CNN reports, "The violations date back to a time when the Taj Mahal was the preferred gambling spot for Russian mobsters living in Brooklyn, according to federal investigators who tracked organized crime in New York City."
Russian money saved Trump on several occasions when his projects were on the verge of collapse. Now that Trump has improbably failed all the way up to the White House, Russian money may well be the cause of his political demise.
Russia has been a money-laundering state for some time. During the Yeltsin period, the state attracted billions of dollars in Western aid, which it then laundered back overseas in Western bank accounts. Worse, powerful institutions in the West like the International Monetary Fund knew about the scam and tolerated it because it wanted to keep Yeltsin in power. The bagmen who transferred the $15 billion? Russian organized crime.
Vladimir Putin didn't create post-Soviet corruption or the oligarch system that perpetuates it. Rather, he adapted the system to his own purposes -- and for the financial benefit of his circle of friends.
The Panama Papers -- the leaked papers from Mossack Fonseca, an offshore law firm -- revealed the mechanisms by which Putin's associates transferred enormous sums of money overseas in an effort to conceal assets. Putin himself is reported to have at least a $40 billion fortune, but he has also parked a lot of money in shell companies created by his associates.
Other investigations reveal how Russian oligarchs and organized crime figures (sometimes one and the same) used banks to launder their money. Last year a Danish bank shut down its Russian accounts because of money laundering that even reached into Putin's own family. Between 2007 and 2015, the Estonian branch of Danske Bank made over 43,000 transactions to launder 7 billion euros associated with various Russian frauds.
Then there's Deutsche Bank, the one financial institution that stuck with Donald Trump when virtually all other banks wouldn't touch him. It even extended him credit after he refused to pay back the $330 million remaining on a Deutsche Bank loan because of the 2008 financial crisis (a global downturn that didn't prevent him from making other investments at exactly the same time). As Luke Harding explains in his book Collusion, Trump...
paid back Deutsche with a massive lifeline -- from Deutsche. Only this time he eschewed its real estate team -- which wanted nothing to do with him -- and got a loan from its private wealth division. This group typically deals with high-net-worth individuals, not real estate transactions, but in 2010 it not only lent him the money he owed its real estate team but also reportedly gave Trump another $25 million to $50 million in credit.
These facts might not be noteworthy if Deutsche Bank were also not becoming thick with Russian money launderers. Last year, the bank was fined over $600 million for its role in laundering $10 billion of Russian currency.
The information that could bring down Trump -- and that presumably Robert Mueller is trying to obtain -- may be somewhere in the Deutsche Bank files. The relevant documents would link the bank's two most questionable financial activities -- lending to Trump and washing Russian money.
Compromising information about money laundering, not lurid details about Trump's sexual exploits, is what explains the president's extreme deference to Vladimir Putin. As Alena Ledeneva, an expert on Russian business practices, explained to The New Yorker:
It is possible that there is kompromat in the hands of several different business groups in the former Soviet Union. Each would have bits and pieces of damaging information and might have found subtle (or not so subtle) ways to communicate that fact to both Trump and Putin. Putin would likely have gathered some of that material, but he would have known that he couldn't get everything.
Mueller has come close. He has charged Trump associate Paul Manafort, who had his own illegal dealings with Russian partners, with money laundering. He's gone after other Trumpsters with connections to Russia (Michael Flynn, Carter Page, George Papadopoulos).
Most critically, he's got Trump lawyer Michael Cohen on the hook. Forget about payments to Trump's paramours. Sex sells, but it won't be what brings Trump down. The real reason the president is so freaked out about his lawyer's loyalties is that Cohen is at the nexus of the Russia and finance network. Writes Jonathan Chait in New York Magazine:
Cohen has collected vast unreported sums, which were either cash-for-access functioning as quasi-bribes or straight-out bribes. Trump, frequently working through Cohen, has built inscrutable ties to worldwide criminal sources who wash ill-gotten sums through his real estate ventures.
The special counsel is not on a fishing expedition. He knows exactly what he's looking for. The sloppiness and ineptitude of the Trump coterie -- which make Nixon's Watergate conspirators seem like Oceans 11 -- virtually ensure that some evidence of wrongdoing is there. The problem is that many powerful and ruthless people are involved in different parts of Russia's money-laundering scheme. Overcoming the pushback from those quarters may prove the most challenging part of Mueller's job.
By the end of season one of Ozark, Marty Byrde has survived any number of near-death experiences. Netflix has renewed for a second season of mayhem in Missouri. Donald Trump has also managed to weather one scandal after another. With very low ratings and an investigation closing in, however, Donald Trump will be lucky to survive his first season in office.
"The children wept, as no parents were there to share the moment—their parents had been killed by the Israeli army," said one observer.
More than 1,000 Palestinians children orphaned by Israel's genocidal assault on Gaza took part in a bittersweet graduation ceremony Monday at a special school in the south of the embattled enclave as Israeli forces continued their US-backed campaign of annihilation and ethnic cleansing nearby.
Dressed in caps and gowns and waving Palestinian flags, graduates of the school at al-Wafa Orphan Village in Khan Younis—opened earlier this year by speech pathologist Wafaa Abu Jalala—received diplomas as students and staff proudly looked on. It was a remarkable event given the tremendous suffering of Palestinians in Gaza, especially the children, and Israel's obliteration of the strip's educational infrastructure, often referred to as scholasticide.
Organizers said the event was the largest of its kind since Israel began leveling Gaza after the Hamas-led attack of October 7, 2023. Israel's assault and siege, which are the subject of an International Court of Justice genocide case, have left more than 62,000 Palestinians dead, including over 18,500 children—official death tolls that are likely to be a severe undercount.
The Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics reported in April that nearly 40,000 children in Gaza have lost one or more of their parents to Israeli bombs and bullets in what the agency called the world's "largest orphan crisis" in modern history. Other independent groups say the number of orphans is even higher during a war in which medical professionals have coined a grim new acronym: WCNSF—wounded child, no surviving family.
Hundreds of thousands of other Palestinians are starving in what Amnesty International on Monday called a "deliberate campaign." Thousands of Gazan children are treated for malnutrition each month, and at least 122 have starved to death, according to local officials.
Early in the war, the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) called Gaza "the world's most dangerous place to be a child." Last year, United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres for the first time added Israel to his so-called "List of Shame" of countries that kill and injure children during wars and other armed conflicts. Doctors and others including volunteers from the United States have documented many cases in which they've concluded Israeli snipers and other troops have deliberately shot children in the head and chest.
Palestinian children take part in a graduation ceremony at al-Wafa Orphan Village in Khan Younis, Gaza on August 18, 2025. (Photo: Abdallah Alattar/Anadolu via Getty Images)
There are also more child amputees in Gaza than anywhere else in the world, with UN agencies estimating earlier this year that 3,000-4,000 Palestinian children have had one or more limbs removed, sometimes without anesthesia. The administration of US President Donald Trump—which provides Israel with many of the weapons used to kill and maim Palestinian children—recently stopped issuing visas to amputees and other victims seeking medical treatment in the United States.
All of the above have wrought what one Gaza mother called the "complete psychological destruction" of children in the embattled enclave.
Indeed, a 2024 survey of more than 500 Palestinian children in Gaza revealed that 96% of them fear imminent death, 92% are not accepting of reality, 79% suffer from nightmares, 77% avoid discussing traumatic events, 73% display signs of aggression, 49% wish to die because of the war, and many more "show signs of withdrawal and severe anxiety, alongside a pervasive sense of hopelessness."
Iain Overton, executive director of the UK-based group Action on Armed Violence, said at the time of the survey's publication that "the world's failure to protect Gaza's children is a moral failing on a monumental scale."
"No state should be above the law," said Younis Alkhatib of the Palestine Red Crescent Society. "The international community is obliged to protect humanitarians and to stop impunity."
The United Nations humanitarian affairs office said Tuesday that the new record of 383 aid workers killed last year while performing their lifesaving jobs was "shocking"—but considering Israel's relentless attacks on civilians, medical staff, journalists, and relief workers in Gaza, it was no surprise that the bombardment of the enclave was a major driver of the rise in aid worker deaths in 2024.
Nearly half of the aid workers killed last year—181 of them—were killed in Israeli attacks in Gaza, while 60 died in Sudan amid the civil war there.
The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) recorded a 31% increase in aid worker killings compared to 2023, the agency said as it marked World Humanitarian Day.
"Even one attack against a humanitarian colleague is an attack on all of us and on the people we serve," said Tom Fletcher, the UN under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs. "Attacks on this scale, with zero accountability, are a shameful indictment of international inaction and apathy."
Israel and its top allies, including the United States, have persisted in claiming it is targeting Hamas in its attacks on Gaza, which have killed more than 62,000 people—likely a significant undercount by the Gaza Health Ministry. It has also repeatedly claimed that its attacks on aid workers and other people protected under international law were "accidental."
"Every attack is a grave betrayal of humanity, and the rules designed to protect them and the communities they serve. Each killing sends a dangerous message that their lives were expendable. They were not."
"As the humanitarian community, we demand—again—that those with power and influence act for humanity, protect civilians and aid workers, and hold perpetrators to account," said Fletcher.
The UN Security Council adopted a resolution in May 2024 reaffirming that humanitarian staff must be protected in conflict zones—a month after the Israel Defense Forces struck a convoy including seven workers from the US-based charity World Central Kitchen, killing all of them.
More than a year later, said OCHA, "the lack of accountability remains pervasive."
The UN-backed Aid Worker Security Database's provisional numbers for 2025 so far show that at least 265 aid workers have been killed this year, with one of the deadliest attacks perpetrated by the IDF against medics and emergency responders in clearly marked vehicles in Gaza. Eight of the workers were with the Palestine Red Crescent Society, which on Tuesday noted that "Palestinian humanitarian workers have been deliberately targeted more than anywhere else."
"No state should be above the law," said Younis Alkhatib, president of the humanitarian group. "The international community is obliged to protect humanitarians and to stop impunity."
UN Secretary-General António Guterres said Tuesday that humanitarian workers around the world "are the last lifeline for over 300 million people" living in conflict and disaster zones.
What is missing as advocates demand protection for aid workers and as "red lines are crossed with impunity," said Guterres, is "political will—and moral courage."
"Humanitarians must be respected and protected," he said. "They can never be targeted."
Olga Cherevko of OCHA emphasized that despite Israel's continued bombardment of Gaza's healthcare systemsystem and its attacks at aid hubs, humanitarian workers continue their efforts to save lives "day in and day out."
"I think as a humanitarian, I feel powerless sometimes in Gaza because I know what it is that we can do as humanitarians when we're enabled to do so, both here in Gaza and in any other humanitarian crisis," said Cherevko. "We continue to face massive impediments for delivering aid at scale, when our missions are delayed, when our missions lasted 12, 14, 18 hours; the routes that we're given are dangerous, impassible, or inaccessible."
Israel has blocked the United Nations and other established aid agencies that have worked for years in the occupied Palestinian territories from delivering lifesaving aid in recent months, pushing the entire enclave towards famine.
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) added in a statement that "our colleagues continue to show up not because they are fearless, but because the suffering is too urgent to ignore. Yet, courage is not protection, and dedication does not deflect bullets."
"The rules of war are clear: Humanitarian personnel must be respected and protected," said the ICRC. "Every attack is a grave betrayal of humanity, and the rules designed to protect them and the communities they serve. Each killing sends a dangerous message that their lives were expendable. They were not."
Along with the aid workers who were killed worldwide last year, 308 were injured, 125 were kidnapped, and 45 were detained for their work.
"Violence against aid workers is not inevitable," said Fletcher. "It must end."
"Equipment manufacturers like John Deere have lost millions, but let's remember that working people are hit hardest by the president's disastrous economic policies," said one lawmaker.
US President Donald Trump has pitched his tariffs on foreign goods as a way to bring more manufacturing jobs back into the United States.
However, it now appears as though the tariffs are hurting the manufacturing jobs that are already here.
As reported by Des Moines Register, iconic American machinery company John Deere announced on Monday that it is laying off 71 workers in Waterloo, Iowa, as well as 115 people in East Moline, Illinois, and 52 workers in Moline, Illinois. The paper noted that John Deere has laid off more than 2,000 employees since April 2024.
In its announcement of the layoffs, the company said that "the struggling [agriculture] economy continues to impact orders" for its equipment.
"This is a challenging time for many farmers, growers, and producers, and directly impacts our business in the near term," the company emphasized.
According to The New Republic, Cory Reed, president of John Deere's Worldwide Agriculture and Turf Division, said during the company's most recent earnings call that the uncertainty surrounding Trump's tariffs has led to many farmers putting off investments in farm equipment.
"If you have customers that are concerned about what their end markets are going to look like in a tariff environment, they're waiting to see the outcomes of what these trade deals look like," he explained.
Josh Beal, John Deere's director of investor relations, similarly said that "the primary drivers" for the company's negative outlook from the prior quarter "are increased tariff rates on Europe, India, and steel and aluminum."
The news of the layoffs drew a scathing rebuke from Nathan Sage, an Iowa Democrat running for the US Senate to unseat Sen. Joni Ernst (R-Iowa), who has praised the president's tariff policies.
"John Deere is once again laying off Iowans—a clear sign economic uncertainty hits the working class hardest, not the CEOs at the top," he wrote in a post on X. "Cheered on by Joni Ernst, Republicans in Washington want to play games with tariffs and give tax cuts to billionaires while Iowa families continue to struggle. It's time to stop protecting the top 1% and fight for the working people who keep our economy strong."
Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.) also ripped Trump's trade policies for hurting blue-collar jobs.
"Because of Trump's tariffs, farmers can't afford to buy what they need to make a living," he said. "Equipment manufacturers like John Deere have lost millions, but let's remember that working people are hit hardest by the president's disastrous economic policies. Tired of 'winning' yet?"
John Deere is not the only big-name American manufacturer to be harmed by the Trump tariffs, as all three of the country's major auto manufacturers in recent months have announced they expect to take significant financial hits from them.
Ford last month said that its profit could plunge by up to 36% this year as it expects to take a $2 billion hit from the president's tariffs on key inputs such as steel and aluminum, as well as taxes on car components manufactured in Canada and Mexico.
General Motors last month also cited the Trump tariffs as a major reason why its profits fell by $3 billion the previous quarter. Making matters worse, GM said that the impact of the tariffs would be even more significant in the coming quarter when its profits could tumble by as much as $5 billion.
GM's warning came shortly after Jeep manufacturer Stellantis projected that the Trump tariffs would directly lead to $350 million in losses in the first half of 2025.