

SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.


Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
The big flaw in the Occupy Wall Street movement ever since it began some three weeks ago has been that the actual proposals for action demanded by its members have largely been incoherent, confused and self-contradictory.
This is still true. Suddenly, though, this defect has lost its potency. Almost overnight, the movement has begun to gain respect, even from its opponents.
Thus, a week ago Eric Cantor, majority leader of the Republicans in the House of Representatives, dismissed the protestors as "an angry mob." He now admits, "there is growing frustration across the country," adding that this anger is "warranted."
Two factors explain the change. The first is that the protestors haven't done what many of their neo-conservative opponents undoubtedly hoped they would. They haven't protested physically. Only verbally, and often with humour.
No violence, that is to say, and no disorder. Indeed, at New York's Zuccotti Park, which has become the centre of what is now a worldwide movement, an extraordinary exercise in self-government is taking place. Food, toilets, medical care, books and magazines to read, tents, warm clothing, have all somehow been organized for a gathering of people almost all of them strangers to each other.
The other factor is more profound. If the protestors haven't yet come up with any credible cures, they have diagnosed exactly the nature of the problem itself. It's not a matter of some brave new economic or financial policy. Instead, it's a matter of reverting to something very old-fashioned: morality.
The best expression of this was contained in an editorial in the Financial Times. It informed its readers (most of them themselves exceedingly well-suited) that: "The fundamental call for a fairer distribution of wealth cannot be ignored."
It continued: "The (American Dream) has been shattered by a crisis brought about by financial excess and political cynicism." The result, declared the Financial Times, "has been growing inequality, rising poverty and sacrifice by those least able to bear it."
To confirm that every word in those sentences is accurate is easy -- sadly:
* In the U.S. over the last 30 years, the top 10 per cent of income earners have taken all of the income gains, and then more, so that the entire bottom 90 per cent has undergone a net loss.
* The top 1 per cent of Americans now possess more wealth than do all the members of that same 90 per cent.
And on the other side of the ledger:
* More Americans (46 million) are now living in poverty than at any time since records were first taken more than 50 years ago.
In the days when Occupy Wall Street was still an easy target, Mitt Romney, the leading candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, accused the protestors of engaging in "class warfare."
Even in detail, Romney had got it wrong. The real war going on now is that between the generations. It's the young who will pay the price for the bailouts of bankers that they promptly turned into bonuses for themselves. This is the accumulation of behaviour and attitudes that a Judge Richard Holwell described while sentencing an insider trader to 11 years in jail as, "a virus in our business culture."
As the weather gets chillier and as many of those taking part have to leave for other pursuits -- such as trying to find a job -- it's likely that the Occupy Wall Street movement will fade away, as populist movements commonly do.
What will remain will be the memory of the magic moment when vast numbers of ordinary people were able, somehow, to say simultaneously that the emperor has no clothes.
Afterwards will come the hard part of convincing those same ordinary people to again believe in the American Dream.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
The big flaw in the Occupy Wall Street movement ever since it began some three weeks ago has been that the actual proposals for action demanded by its members have largely been incoherent, confused and self-contradictory.
This is still true. Suddenly, though, this defect has lost its potency. Almost overnight, the movement has begun to gain respect, even from its opponents.
Thus, a week ago Eric Cantor, majority leader of the Republicans in the House of Representatives, dismissed the protestors as "an angry mob." He now admits, "there is growing frustration across the country," adding that this anger is "warranted."
Two factors explain the change. The first is that the protestors haven't done what many of their neo-conservative opponents undoubtedly hoped they would. They haven't protested physically. Only verbally, and often with humour.
No violence, that is to say, and no disorder. Indeed, at New York's Zuccotti Park, which has become the centre of what is now a worldwide movement, an extraordinary exercise in self-government is taking place. Food, toilets, medical care, books and magazines to read, tents, warm clothing, have all somehow been organized for a gathering of people almost all of them strangers to each other.
The other factor is more profound. If the protestors haven't yet come up with any credible cures, they have diagnosed exactly the nature of the problem itself. It's not a matter of some brave new economic or financial policy. Instead, it's a matter of reverting to something very old-fashioned: morality.
The best expression of this was contained in an editorial in the Financial Times. It informed its readers (most of them themselves exceedingly well-suited) that: "The fundamental call for a fairer distribution of wealth cannot be ignored."
It continued: "The (American Dream) has been shattered by a crisis brought about by financial excess and political cynicism." The result, declared the Financial Times, "has been growing inequality, rising poverty and sacrifice by those least able to bear it."
To confirm that every word in those sentences is accurate is easy -- sadly:
* In the U.S. over the last 30 years, the top 10 per cent of income earners have taken all of the income gains, and then more, so that the entire bottom 90 per cent has undergone a net loss.
* The top 1 per cent of Americans now possess more wealth than do all the members of that same 90 per cent.
And on the other side of the ledger:
* More Americans (46 million) are now living in poverty than at any time since records were first taken more than 50 years ago.
In the days when Occupy Wall Street was still an easy target, Mitt Romney, the leading candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, accused the protestors of engaging in "class warfare."
Even in detail, Romney had got it wrong. The real war going on now is that between the generations. It's the young who will pay the price for the bailouts of bankers that they promptly turned into bonuses for themselves. This is the accumulation of behaviour and attitudes that a Judge Richard Holwell described while sentencing an insider trader to 11 years in jail as, "a virus in our business culture."
As the weather gets chillier and as many of those taking part have to leave for other pursuits -- such as trying to find a job -- it's likely that the Occupy Wall Street movement will fade away, as populist movements commonly do.
What will remain will be the memory of the magic moment when vast numbers of ordinary people were able, somehow, to say simultaneously that the emperor has no clothes.
Afterwards will come the hard part of convincing those same ordinary people to again believe in the American Dream.
The big flaw in the Occupy Wall Street movement ever since it began some three weeks ago has been that the actual proposals for action demanded by its members have largely been incoherent, confused and self-contradictory.
This is still true. Suddenly, though, this defect has lost its potency. Almost overnight, the movement has begun to gain respect, even from its opponents.
Thus, a week ago Eric Cantor, majority leader of the Republicans in the House of Representatives, dismissed the protestors as "an angry mob." He now admits, "there is growing frustration across the country," adding that this anger is "warranted."
Two factors explain the change. The first is that the protestors haven't done what many of their neo-conservative opponents undoubtedly hoped they would. They haven't protested physically. Only verbally, and often with humour.
No violence, that is to say, and no disorder. Indeed, at New York's Zuccotti Park, which has become the centre of what is now a worldwide movement, an extraordinary exercise in self-government is taking place. Food, toilets, medical care, books and magazines to read, tents, warm clothing, have all somehow been organized for a gathering of people almost all of them strangers to each other.
The other factor is more profound. If the protestors haven't yet come up with any credible cures, they have diagnosed exactly the nature of the problem itself. It's not a matter of some brave new economic or financial policy. Instead, it's a matter of reverting to something very old-fashioned: morality.
The best expression of this was contained in an editorial in the Financial Times. It informed its readers (most of them themselves exceedingly well-suited) that: "The fundamental call for a fairer distribution of wealth cannot be ignored."
It continued: "The (American Dream) has been shattered by a crisis brought about by financial excess and political cynicism." The result, declared the Financial Times, "has been growing inequality, rising poverty and sacrifice by those least able to bear it."
To confirm that every word in those sentences is accurate is easy -- sadly:
* In the U.S. over the last 30 years, the top 10 per cent of income earners have taken all of the income gains, and then more, so that the entire bottom 90 per cent has undergone a net loss.
* The top 1 per cent of Americans now possess more wealth than do all the members of that same 90 per cent.
And on the other side of the ledger:
* More Americans (46 million) are now living in poverty than at any time since records were first taken more than 50 years ago.
In the days when Occupy Wall Street was still an easy target, Mitt Romney, the leading candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, accused the protestors of engaging in "class warfare."
Even in detail, Romney had got it wrong. The real war going on now is that between the generations. It's the young who will pay the price for the bailouts of bankers that they promptly turned into bonuses for themselves. This is the accumulation of behaviour and attitudes that a Judge Richard Holwell described while sentencing an insider trader to 11 years in jail as, "a virus in our business culture."
As the weather gets chillier and as many of those taking part have to leave for other pursuits -- such as trying to find a job -- it's likely that the Occupy Wall Street movement will fade away, as populist movements commonly do.
What will remain will be the memory of the magic moment when vast numbers of ordinary people were able, somehow, to say simultaneously that the emperor has no clothes.
Afterwards will come the hard part of convincing those same ordinary people to again believe in the American Dream.