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Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
In addition to everything else they are, the scribblings on The Washington Post
Op-Ed Page are often wildly out of touch. They often have the feel of
having been written a decade ago, stuffed under a mattress somewhere,
and then arbitrarily hauled out and dusted off for publication. With
seemingly no trigger, Richard Cohen woke up today and decided to write about a long-standing though not particularly relevant (and https://ygles
In addition to everything else they are, the scribblings on The Washington Post
Op-Ed Page are often wildly out of touch. They often have the feel of
having been written a decade ago, stuffed under a mattress somewhere,
and then arbitrarily hauled out and dusted off for publication. With
seemingly no trigger, Richard Cohen woke up today and decided to write about a long-standing though not particularly relevant (and largely semantic) controversy:
whether the word "apartheid" is properly applied to Israel due to its
control of the West Bank and Gaza, whose non-Jewish residents have no
democratic rights in the country that rules over their land. Cohen,
for whatever reasons, focuses on Jimmy Carter's use of the word in his
book from four years ago, and takes the standard, predictable
position: the term is false, deliberately inflammatory, and often the
by-product of anti-semitism, etc. etc. But in dredging up this debate,
Cohen completely omits a very recent, highly significant event: the use of the term by Israel's own hawkish Defense Minister, Ehud Barak, just four weeks ago:
Israel's
defense minister warned Tuesday that if Israel does not achieve a peace
deal with the Palestinians, it will be either a binational state or an
undemocratic apartheid state. . . ."The simple truth is, if
there is one state" including Israel, the West Bank and Gaza, "it will
have to be either binational or undemocratic. . . . if this bloc of
millions of Palestinians cannot vote, that will be an apartheid state."
Writing
about the Israel/apartheid controversy without mentioning Barak's
recent statement would be like writing a column about the Senate
reconciliation process without mentioning health care, or writing about
the U.S. military's counter-insurgency doctrine without mentioning
Afghanistan. But Cohen's glaring omission is understandable: there
has been an intense campaign to demonize those who analogize Israel's treatment of the Palestinians to apartheid (as Carter did, in the same way as Barak).
That demonization campaign becomes impossible if Israel's own Defense
Minister makes exactly the same point. So Cohen just shuts his eyes
tightly and pretends the whole thing never happened. Beyond that,
Barak's willingness to explicitly raise the comparison that is all but
off-limits in American political discussion once again illustrates the
bizarre fact that debates over Israeli policies are far more permissive
and open in Israel than they are in the United States.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
In addition to everything else they are, the scribblings on The Washington Post
Op-Ed Page are often wildly out of touch. They often have the feel of
having been written a decade ago, stuffed under a mattress somewhere,
and then arbitrarily hauled out and dusted off for publication. With
seemingly no trigger, Richard Cohen woke up today and decided to write about a long-standing though not particularly relevant (and largely semantic) controversy:
whether the word "apartheid" is properly applied to Israel due to its
control of the West Bank and Gaza, whose non-Jewish residents have no
democratic rights in the country that rules over their land. Cohen,
for whatever reasons, focuses on Jimmy Carter's use of the word in his
book from four years ago, and takes the standard, predictable
position: the term is false, deliberately inflammatory, and often the
by-product of anti-semitism, etc. etc. But in dredging up this debate,
Cohen completely omits a very recent, highly significant event: the use of the term by Israel's own hawkish Defense Minister, Ehud Barak, just four weeks ago:
Israel's
defense minister warned Tuesday that if Israel does not achieve a peace
deal with the Palestinians, it will be either a binational state or an
undemocratic apartheid state. . . ."The simple truth is, if
there is one state" including Israel, the West Bank and Gaza, "it will
have to be either binational or undemocratic. . . . if this bloc of
millions of Palestinians cannot vote, that will be an apartheid state."
Writing
about the Israel/apartheid controversy without mentioning Barak's
recent statement would be like writing a column about the Senate
reconciliation process without mentioning health care, or writing about
the U.S. military's counter-insurgency doctrine without mentioning
Afghanistan. But Cohen's glaring omission is understandable: there
has been an intense campaign to demonize those who analogize Israel's treatment of the Palestinians to apartheid (as Carter did, in the same way as Barak).
That demonization campaign becomes impossible if Israel's own Defense
Minister makes exactly the same point. So Cohen just shuts his eyes
tightly and pretends the whole thing never happened. Beyond that,
Barak's willingness to explicitly raise the comparison that is all but
off-limits in American political discussion once again illustrates the
bizarre fact that debates over Israeli policies are far more permissive
and open in Israel than they are in the United States.
In addition to everything else they are, the scribblings on The Washington Post
Op-Ed Page are often wildly out of touch. They often have the feel of
having been written a decade ago, stuffed under a mattress somewhere,
and then arbitrarily hauled out and dusted off for publication. With
seemingly no trigger, Richard Cohen woke up today and decided to write about a long-standing though not particularly relevant (and largely semantic) controversy:
whether the word "apartheid" is properly applied to Israel due to its
control of the West Bank and Gaza, whose non-Jewish residents have no
democratic rights in the country that rules over their land. Cohen,
for whatever reasons, focuses on Jimmy Carter's use of the word in his
book from four years ago, and takes the standard, predictable
position: the term is false, deliberately inflammatory, and often the
by-product of anti-semitism, etc. etc. But in dredging up this debate,
Cohen completely omits a very recent, highly significant event: the use of the term by Israel's own hawkish Defense Minister, Ehud Barak, just four weeks ago:
Israel's
defense minister warned Tuesday that if Israel does not achieve a peace
deal with the Palestinians, it will be either a binational state or an
undemocratic apartheid state. . . ."The simple truth is, if
there is one state" including Israel, the West Bank and Gaza, "it will
have to be either binational or undemocratic. . . . if this bloc of
millions of Palestinians cannot vote, that will be an apartheid state."
Writing
about the Israel/apartheid controversy without mentioning Barak's
recent statement would be like writing a column about the Senate
reconciliation process without mentioning health care, or writing about
the U.S. military's counter-insurgency doctrine without mentioning
Afghanistan. But Cohen's glaring omission is understandable: there
has been an intense campaign to demonize those who analogize Israel's treatment of the Palestinians to apartheid (as Carter did, in the same way as Barak).
That demonization campaign becomes impossible if Israel's own Defense
Minister makes exactly the same point. So Cohen just shuts his eyes
tightly and pretends the whole thing never happened. Beyond that,
Barak's willingness to explicitly raise the comparison that is all but
off-limits in American political discussion once again illustrates the
bizarre fact that debates over Israeli policies are far more permissive
and open in Israel than they are in the United States.