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The financial crisis that began in America's sub-prime mortgage market has now become a global recession
- with growth projected to be a negative 1.5%, the worst performance
since the Great Depression. Even countries that had done everything
right are seeing marked declines in growth rates, and even deep
recessions. And much of the most acute pain will be felt by developing
countries.
A UN commission of experts on reforms of the
international monetary and financial system, which I chair, has just
published its preliminary report. It focuses especially on the impact
of the crisis on developing countries and the poor everywhere, which is
likely to be severe. An estimated 30 million more people will be
unemployed in 2009 compared to 2007. The increase could even reach 50
million. Progress in reducing poverty may be halted. The report warns
that: "Some 200 million people, mostly in developing economies, could
be pushed into poverty if rapid action is not taken to counter the
impact of the crisis."
While this is a global crisis, responses are undertaken by national governments, who quite naturally look after their own citizens' interest first. Particularly invidious are protectionist measures, such as the US "buy America" provision in its stimulus package. In fact, the World Bank reports
that 17 of the group of 20 countries have engaged in protectionist
measures, after making a commitment not to do so in their meeting in
Washington in November. By focusing on national, as opposed to global
impacts, the global stimulus will be less - and the global recovery
weakened.
While there is a consensus that all countries should undertake strong fiscal stimulus measures, many developing countries do not have the resources, and it calls for a concerted approach for additional funding, both for spending and liquidity support for countries and corporations in developing countries that are strained by the current credit crunch. Developed
countries should contribute 1% of stimulus spending; there should be an
immediate issue of special drawing rights (SDRs), the "IMF
money" that can be used especially to help those facing difficulties,
and an expansion of regional efforts, such as the Chang Mai initiative
in Asia.
It is important that any assistance be provided without the usual strings. Conditions such as those which force developing countries to contract spending and raise interest rates are counterproductive: the intent of the assistance is to help them expand their economies, thereby assisting the global recovery. Deficiencies in current institutional arrangements for disbursing
funds - for example, through the IMF - have long been noted, but the
reforms so far are insufficient. Countries with funds are often
reluctant to give money to institutions in which they have little
voice, and which have advocated policies that they do not support; and
countries are often reluctant to borrow, given the stigma associated
with turning to these institutions. The commission urges the creation
of a new credit facility, in which the voice of the new providers of
finance and the borrowers are both better heard.
There are several important lessons to be learned from the crisis. One is that there is a need for better regulation. But reforms cannot be just cosmetic, and they have to go beyond the financial sector. Inadequate enforcement
of competition laws has allowed banks to grow to be too big to fail.
Inadequate corporate governance resulted in incentive schemes that led
to excessive risk taking and short sighted behavior, which did not even
serve shareholders well.
The Commission recommends the establishment of a Global Economic Coordinating
Council, not only to co-ordinate economic policy, but to assess the
economic situation, identify gaps in the global institutional
arrangement, and propose solutions. For instance, there is a need for a
Global Financial Regulatory Authority - without which there is a risk
of regulatory arbitrage, undermining regulation, and creating a race to
the bottom. There is a need for a Global Competition Authority -
markets are global in scale. There is a need for a better way of
handling defaults of countries, of which there may be several in this
crisis. And there is a need for better ways of managing the many risks
that developing countries face, especially with debt and capital
account management.
The other important commission recommendation
concerns the creation of a new global reserve system. The existing
system, with the US dollar as reserve currency, is fraying. The dollar
has been volatile. There are increasing worries about future
inflationary risks. At the same time, putting so much money aside every year to protect countries against the risks of global instability creates a downward bias in - aggregate demand - weakening the global economy.
Moreover, the system has the peculiar property that poor countries are
lending trillions of dollars to the US, at essentially zero interest
rate, while within their country there are so many needs to which the
money could be put. The Commission argues that a new Global Reserve
System is "feasible, non-inflationary, and could be easily implemented".
After the East Asia crisis, there was much talk of reform, of a new global financial architecture. But there was just talk; as the global economy recovered, the impetus for reform faded. This is a more severe crisis. It will last longer. Hopefully, this time, we learn our lesson.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
The financial crisis that began in America's sub-prime mortgage market has now become a global recession
- with growth projected to be a negative 1.5%, the worst performance
since the Great Depression. Even countries that had done everything
right are seeing marked declines in growth rates, and even deep
recessions. And much of the most acute pain will be felt by developing
countries.
A UN commission of experts on reforms of the
international monetary and financial system, which I chair, has just
published its preliminary report. It focuses especially on the impact
of the crisis on developing countries and the poor everywhere, which is
likely to be severe. An estimated 30 million more people will be
unemployed in 2009 compared to 2007. The increase could even reach 50
million. Progress in reducing poverty may be halted. The report warns
that: "Some 200 million people, mostly in developing economies, could
be pushed into poverty if rapid action is not taken to counter the
impact of the crisis."
While this is a global crisis, responses are undertaken by national governments, who quite naturally look after their own citizens' interest first. Particularly invidious are protectionist measures, such as the US "buy America" provision in its stimulus package. In fact, the World Bank reports
that 17 of the group of 20 countries have engaged in protectionist
measures, after making a commitment not to do so in their meeting in
Washington in November. By focusing on national, as opposed to global
impacts, the global stimulus will be less - and the global recovery
weakened.
While there is a consensus that all countries should undertake strong fiscal stimulus measures, many developing countries do not have the resources, and it calls for a concerted approach for additional funding, both for spending and liquidity support for countries and corporations in developing countries that are strained by the current credit crunch. Developed
countries should contribute 1% of stimulus spending; there should be an
immediate issue of special drawing rights (SDRs), the "IMF
money" that can be used especially to help those facing difficulties,
and an expansion of regional efforts, such as the Chang Mai initiative
in Asia.
It is important that any assistance be provided without the usual strings. Conditions such as those which force developing countries to contract spending and raise interest rates are counterproductive: the intent of the assistance is to help them expand their economies, thereby assisting the global recovery. Deficiencies in current institutional arrangements for disbursing
funds - for example, through the IMF - have long been noted, but the
reforms so far are insufficient. Countries with funds are often
reluctant to give money to institutions in which they have little
voice, and which have advocated policies that they do not support; and
countries are often reluctant to borrow, given the stigma associated
with turning to these institutions. The commission urges the creation
of a new credit facility, in which the voice of the new providers of
finance and the borrowers are both better heard.
There are several important lessons to be learned from the crisis. One is that there is a need for better regulation. But reforms cannot be just cosmetic, and they have to go beyond the financial sector. Inadequate enforcement
of competition laws has allowed banks to grow to be too big to fail.
Inadequate corporate governance resulted in incentive schemes that led
to excessive risk taking and short sighted behavior, which did not even
serve shareholders well.
The Commission recommends the establishment of a Global Economic Coordinating
Council, not only to co-ordinate economic policy, but to assess the
economic situation, identify gaps in the global institutional
arrangement, and propose solutions. For instance, there is a need for a
Global Financial Regulatory Authority - without which there is a risk
of regulatory arbitrage, undermining regulation, and creating a race to
the bottom. There is a need for a Global Competition Authority -
markets are global in scale. There is a need for a better way of
handling defaults of countries, of which there may be several in this
crisis. And there is a need for better ways of managing the many risks
that developing countries face, especially with debt and capital
account management.
The other important commission recommendation
concerns the creation of a new global reserve system. The existing
system, with the US dollar as reserve currency, is fraying. The dollar
has been volatile. There are increasing worries about future
inflationary risks. At the same time, putting so much money aside every year to protect countries against the risks of global instability creates a downward bias in - aggregate demand - weakening the global economy.
Moreover, the system has the peculiar property that poor countries are
lending trillions of dollars to the US, at essentially zero interest
rate, while within their country there are so many needs to which the
money could be put. The Commission argues that a new Global Reserve
System is "feasible, non-inflationary, and could be easily implemented".
After the East Asia crisis, there was much talk of reform, of a new global financial architecture. But there was just talk; as the global economy recovered, the impetus for reform faded. This is a more severe crisis. It will last longer. Hopefully, this time, we learn our lesson.
The financial crisis that began in America's sub-prime mortgage market has now become a global recession
- with growth projected to be a negative 1.5%, the worst performance
since the Great Depression. Even countries that had done everything
right are seeing marked declines in growth rates, and even deep
recessions. And much of the most acute pain will be felt by developing
countries.
A UN commission of experts on reforms of the
international monetary and financial system, which I chair, has just
published its preliminary report. It focuses especially on the impact
of the crisis on developing countries and the poor everywhere, which is
likely to be severe. An estimated 30 million more people will be
unemployed in 2009 compared to 2007. The increase could even reach 50
million. Progress in reducing poverty may be halted. The report warns
that: "Some 200 million people, mostly in developing economies, could
be pushed into poverty if rapid action is not taken to counter the
impact of the crisis."
While this is a global crisis, responses are undertaken by national governments, who quite naturally look after their own citizens' interest first. Particularly invidious are protectionist measures, such as the US "buy America" provision in its stimulus package. In fact, the World Bank reports
that 17 of the group of 20 countries have engaged in protectionist
measures, after making a commitment not to do so in their meeting in
Washington in November. By focusing on national, as opposed to global
impacts, the global stimulus will be less - and the global recovery
weakened.
While there is a consensus that all countries should undertake strong fiscal stimulus measures, many developing countries do not have the resources, and it calls for a concerted approach for additional funding, both for spending and liquidity support for countries and corporations in developing countries that are strained by the current credit crunch. Developed
countries should contribute 1% of stimulus spending; there should be an
immediate issue of special drawing rights (SDRs), the "IMF
money" that can be used especially to help those facing difficulties,
and an expansion of regional efforts, such as the Chang Mai initiative
in Asia.
It is important that any assistance be provided without the usual strings. Conditions such as those which force developing countries to contract spending and raise interest rates are counterproductive: the intent of the assistance is to help them expand their economies, thereby assisting the global recovery. Deficiencies in current institutional arrangements for disbursing
funds - for example, through the IMF - have long been noted, but the
reforms so far are insufficient. Countries with funds are often
reluctant to give money to institutions in which they have little
voice, and which have advocated policies that they do not support; and
countries are often reluctant to borrow, given the stigma associated
with turning to these institutions. The commission urges the creation
of a new credit facility, in which the voice of the new providers of
finance and the borrowers are both better heard.
There are several important lessons to be learned from the crisis. One is that there is a need for better regulation. But reforms cannot be just cosmetic, and they have to go beyond the financial sector. Inadequate enforcement
of competition laws has allowed banks to grow to be too big to fail.
Inadequate corporate governance resulted in incentive schemes that led
to excessive risk taking and short sighted behavior, which did not even
serve shareholders well.
The Commission recommends the establishment of a Global Economic Coordinating
Council, not only to co-ordinate economic policy, but to assess the
economic situation, identify gaps in the global institutional
arrangement, and propose solutions. For instance, there is a need for a
Global Financial Regulatory Authority - without which there is a risk
of regulatory arbitrage, undermining regulation, and creating a race to
the bottom. There is a need for a Global Competition Authority -
markets are global in scale. There is a need for a better way of
handling defaults of countries, of which there may be several in this
crisis. And there is a need for better ways of managing the many risks
that developing countries face, especially with debt and capital
account management.
The other important commission recommendation
concerns the creation of a new global reserve system. The existing
system, with the US dollar as reserve currency, is fraying. The dollar
has been volatile. There are increasing worries about future
inflationary risks. At the same time, putting so much money aside every year to protect countries against the risks of global instability creates a downward bias in - aggregate demand - weakening the global economy.
Moreover, the system has the peculiar property that poor countries are
lending trillions of dollars to the US, at essentially zero interest
rate, while within their country there are so many needs to which the
money could be put. The Commission argues that a new Global Reserve
System is "feasible, non-inflationary, and could be easily implemented".
After the East Asia crisis, there was much talk of reform, of a new global financial architecture. But there was just talk; as the global economy recovered, the impetus for reform faded. This is a more severe crisis. It will last longer. Hopefully, this time, we learn our lesson.