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President Bush has treated Congress with contempt for more than six years.But the most regal executive to reign over the United States since King George III was deposed has never displayed that contempt so aggressively as he did Wednesday.
On the eve of former White House counsel Harriet Miers' scheduled testimony before the House Judiciary Committee, she was ordered by the president to defy the subpoena she had been issued by the committee.
The president's lawyers claimed that Miers has "absolute immunity from compelled congressional testimony" in regard to the investigation of the administration's politicization of federal investigations and prosecutions.
According to current White House counsel Fred Fielding, Miers does not need to cooperate with congressional inquiries into "matters occurring while she was a senior adviser to the president."
That was enough for the former counsel's lawyer, George T. Manning, to notify Judiciary Committee chair John Conyers, D-Mich., that Miers would refuse to appear at Thursday's session to answer questions about the role played by the White House in forcing the firings of eight U.S. Attorneys.
Unlike former White House political director Sara Taylor, who answered a subpoena to testify before the Senate Judiciary Committee Wednesday but refused to answer most questions, Miers will not offer even a bare minimum of respect for the system of checks and balances that gives Congress the authority to investigate wrongdoing in the White House.
"As a former public official and officer of the court, Ms. Miers should be especially aware of the need to respect legal process," complained Conyers.
The committee chair said he was, "extremely disappointed in the White House's direction to Ms. Miers that she not even show up to assert the privilege before the committee."
That disappointment is understandable.
But disappointment is not enough.
The administration's casual disregard for subpoenas issued by Congress demands a response.
Conyers has spoken of seeking Contempt of Congress citations against current and former administration aides who refuse cooperate with his committee.
It's time, not merely to defend the authority of the Congress but to reassert respect for the role of the Constitution in defining proper relations between the legislative and executive branches of the federal government.
John Nichols' new book is The Genius of Impeachment: The Founders' Cure for Royalism. Rolling Stone's Tim Dickinson hails it as a "nervy, acerbic, passionately argued history-cum-polemic [that] combines a rich examination of the parliamentary roots and past use of the 'heroic medicine' that is impeachment with a call for Democratic leaders to 'reclaim and reuse the most vital tool handed to us by the founders for the defense of our most basic liberties.'"
Copyright (c) 2007 The Nation
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
President Bush has treated Congress with contempt for more than six years.But the most regal executive to reign over the United States since King George III was deposed has never displayed that contempt so aggressively as he did Wednesday.
On the eve of former White House counsel Harriet Miers' scheduled testimony before the House Judiciary Committee, she was ordered by the president to defy the subpoena she had been issued by the committee.
The president's lawyers claimed that Miers has "absolute immunity from compelled congressional testimony" in regard to the investigation of the administration's politicization of federal investigations and prosecutions.
According to current White House counsel Fred Fielding, Miers does not need to cooperate with congressional inquiries into "matters occurring while she was a senior adviser to the president."
That was enough for the former counsel's lawyer, George T. Manning, to notify Judiciary Committee chair John Conyers, D-Mich., that Miers would refuse to appear at Thursday's session to answer questions about the role played by the White House in forcing the firings of eight U.S. Attorneys.
Unlike former White House political director Sara Taylor, who answered a subpoena to testify before the Senate Judiciary Committee Wednesday but refused to answer most questions, Miers will not offer even a bare minimum of respect for the system of checks and balances that gives Congress the authority to investigate wrongdoing in the White House.
"As a former public official and officer of the court, Ms. Miers should be especially aware of the need to respect legal process," complained Conyers.
The committee chair said he was, "extremely disappointed in the White House's direction to Ms. Miers that she not even show up to assert the privilege before the committee."
That disappointment is understandable.
But disappointment is not enough.
The administration's casual disregard for subpoenas issued by Congress demands a response.
Conyers has spoken of seeking Contempt of Congress citations against current and former administration aides who refuse cooperate with his committee.
It's time, not merely to defend the authority of the Congress but to reassert respect for the role of the Constitution in defining proper relations between the legislative and executive branches of the federal government.
John Nichols' new book is The Genius of Impeachment: The Founders' Cure for Royalism. Rolling Stone's Tim Dickinson hails it as a "nervy, acerbic, passionately argued history-cum-polemic [that] combines a rich examination of the parliamentary roots and past use of the 'heroic medicine' that is impeachment with a call for Democratic leaders to 'reclaim and reuse the most vital tool handed to us by the founders for the defense of our most basic liberties.'"
Copyright (c) 2007 The Nation
President Bush has treated Congress with contempt for more than six years.But the most regal executive to reign over the United States since King George III was deposed has never displayed that contempt so aggressively as he did Wednesday.
On the eve of former White House counsel Harriet Miers' scheduled testimony before the House Judiciary Committee, she was ordered by the president to defy the subpoena she had been issued by the committee.
The president's lawyers claimed that Miers has "absolute immunity from compelled congressional testimony" in regard to the investigation of the administration's politicization of federal investigations and prosecutions.
According to current White House counsel Fred Fielding, Miers does not need to cooperate with congressional inquiries into "matters occurring while she was a senior adviser to the president."
That was enough for the former counsel's lawyer, George T. Manning, to notify Judiciary Committee chair John Conyers, D-Mich., that Miers would refuse to appear at Thursday's session to answer questions about the role played by the White House in forcing the firings of eight U.S. Attorneys.
Unlike former White House political director Sara Taylor, who answered a subpoena to testify before the Senate Judiciary Committee Wednesday but refused to answer most questions, Miers will not offer even a bare minimum of respect for the system of checks and balances that gives Congress the authority to investigate wrongdoing in the White House.
"As a former public official and officer of the court, Ms. Miers should be especially aware of the need to respect legal process," complained Conyers.
The committee chair said he was, "extremely disappointed in the White House's direction to Ms. Miers that she not even show up to assert the privilege before the committee."
That disappointment is understandable.
But disappointment is not enough.
The administration's casual disregard for subpoenas issued by Congress demands a response.
Conyers has spoken of seeking Contempt of Congress citations against current and former administration aides who refuse cooperate with his committee.
It's time, not merely to defend the authority of the Congress but to reassert respect for the role of the Constitution in defining proper relations between the legislative and executive branches of the federal government.
John Nichols' new book is The Genius of Impeachment: The Founders' Cure for Royalism. Rolling Stone's Tim Dickinson hails it as a "nervy, acerbic, passionately argued history-cum-polemic [that] combines a rich examination of the parliamentary roots and past use of the 'heroic medicine' that is impeachment with a call for Democratic leaders to 'reclaim and reuse the most vital tool handed to us by the founders for the defense of our most basic liberties.'"
Copyright (c) 2007 The Nation