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Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
We all know about greenwashing, the term activists developed to describe deceptive corporate practice of claiming that self-serving policies and harmful products are somehow good for the environment.
Well, perhaps in this year of political change, when polls suggest that Democrats ranks will swell in the House and Senate, it is time to come up with a term for corporate "investment" in friendly Democratic primary candidates running in solidly blue states.
How about bluewashing?
Bluewashing would describe what happens when corporate interests that usually back Republicans suddenly start pouring money into a Democratic primary to support a supposedly "moderate" candidate. It's happening a lot this election season, as business groups seek to hedge their bets in a year when polls show voters are more inclined to back Democrats for House and Senate seats.
Take today's primary in Maine's 1st congressional district.
Democratic incumbent Tom Allen is leaving to run for the Senate.
Six Democrats are running to represent a region known for its strong anti-war, pro-environment and pro-worker sentiments.
Most of the candidates are solid progressives. Former Maine legislator Chellie Pingree -- who went on to serve as national president of Common Cause -- emerged early on as a front-runner with a campaign that boldly recalled her early opposition to the Iraq war and celebrated her support for ending that conflict and redirected money to help Maine workers and communities.
Through most of the race, Pingree's most serious challengers seemed to be Ethan Strimling, an activist state legislator, and Mark Lawrence, a prosecutor. Both Strimling and Lawrence shared Pingree's values. Indeed, the trio competed to out-progressive one another -- not just on war and impeachment issues that are popular with Maine Democrats but on trade and economic justice issues that are bedrock concerns in the state.
But as the primary approached, another candidate, former Republican Adam Cote, began attracting significant money and support from business interests.
For instance:
* Cote was endorsed by BIPAC, the pro-corporate political action committee.
* The Credit Union National Association PAC paid for $135,000 in mailings that favored Cote.
* Tony Payne, a former Republican congressional candidate who now heads the pro-business Alliance for Maine's Future, announced that he was switching parties specifically to vote for Cote. And he says that others have "done the same thing."
* Republican State Senator Karl Turner switched his party affiliation -- "for the moment," according to The Hill newspaper, which has been reporting on Cote's GOP backing -- in order to vote for the former Republican in the Democratic primary. Turner essentially acknowledges that he is part of a move by Republicans to nominate a Democrat they like to represent a district where a GOP candidate would have a hard time winning in the fall. "I'm the one that got outed," he says.
As the money and back-channel support has flowed to Cote, he's come up in the polls. An Iraq war vet who says he wants to bring the troops home and advances a number of other positions generally associated with Democrats, his tactic is to attack Pingree for being too tough in her criticism of President Bush.
Like Strimling and Lawrence, Pingree has endorsed efforts to hold Bush and Vice President Cheney to account for deceiving the American people about the reasons for going to war in Iraq and using their positions to attack political critics. That's hardly a radical stance in Maine. But if the progressive vote is divided in the primary, the bluewashers figure, they can elect a Democrat who is less likely to take strong, independent positions on the corporate-accountability (and trade policy) issues that most concern them.
With the approach of the primary, Cote began attacking Pingree, charging that she is too interested in renewing the role of Congress and restoring the system of checks and balances in Washington.
For her part, Pingree notes that Cote -- who only switched his registration from Republican to Democrat as he was preparing to enter this year's race -- is making himself a Democratic primary contender with "a tremendous amount of funding, a lot of it from groups that don't normally support Democrats."
That's bluewashing.
John Nichols is a co-founder of Free Press and the co-author with Robert W. McChesney of TRAGEDY & FARCE: How the American Media Sell Wars, Spin Elections, and Destroy Democracy - The New Press.
(c) 2008 The Nation
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
We all know about greenwashing, the term activists developed to describe deceptive corporate practice of claiming that self-serving policies and harmful products are somehow good for the environment.
Well, perhaps in this year of political change, when polls suggest that Democrats ranks will swell in the House and Senate, it is time to come up with a term for corporate "investment" in friendly Democratic primary candidates running in solidly blue states.
How about bluewashing?
Bluewashing would describe what happens when corporate interests that usually back Republicans suddenly start pouring money into a Democratic primary to support a supposedly "moderate" candidate. It's happening a lot this election season, as business groups seek to hedge their bets in a year when polls show voters are more inclined to back Democrats for House and Senate seats.
Take today's primary in Maine's 1st congressional district.
Democratic incumbent Tom Allen is leaving to run for the Senate.
Six Democrats are running to represent a region known for its strong anti-war, pro-environment and pro-worker sentiments.
Most of the candidates are solid progressives. Former Maine legislator Chellie Pingree -- who went on to serve as national president of Common Cause -- emerged early on as a front-runner with a campaign that boldly recalled her early opposition to the Iraq war and celebrated her support for ending that conflict and redirected money to help Maine workers and communities.
Through most of the race, Pingree's most serious challengers seemed to be Ethan Strimling, an activist state legislator, and Mark Lawrence, a prosecutor. Both Strimling and Lawrence shared Pingree's values. Indeed, the trio competed to out-progressive one another -- not just on war and impeachment issues that are popular with Maine Democrats but on trade and economic justice issues that are bedrock concerns in the state.
But as the primary approached, another candidate, former Republican Adam Cote, began attracting significant money and support from business interests.
For instance:
* Cote was endorsed by BIPAC, the pro-corporate political action committee.
* The Credit Union National Association PAC paid for $135,000 in mailings that favored Cote.
* Tony Payne, a former Republican congressional candidate who now heads the pro-business Alliance for Maine's Future, announced that he was switching parties specifically to vote for Cote. And he says that others have "done the same thing."
* Republican State Senator Karl Turner switched his party affiliation -- "for the moment," according to The Hill newspaper, which has been reporting on Cote's GOP backing -- in order to vote for the former Republican in the Democratic primary. Turner essentially acknowledges that he is part of a move by Republicans to nominate a Democrat they like to represent a district where a GOP candidate would have a hard time winning in the fall. "I'm the one that got outed," he says.
As the money and back-channel support has flowed to Cote, he's come up in the polls. An Iraq war vet who says he wants to bring the troops home and advances a number of other positions generally associated with Democrats, his tactic is to attack Pingree for being too tough in her criticism of President Bush.
Like Strimling and Lawrence, Pingree has endorsed efforts to hold Bush and Vice President Cheney to account for deceiving the American people about the reasons for going to war in Iraq and using their positions to attack political critics. That's hardly a radical stance in Maine. But if the progressive vote is divided in the primary, the bluewashers figure, they can elect a Democrat who is less likely to take strong, independent positions on the corporate-accountability (and trade policy) issues that most concern them.
With the approach of the primary, Cote began attacking Pingree, charging that she is too interested in renewing the role of Congress and restoring the system of checks and balances in Washington.
For her part, Pingree notes that Cote -- who only switched his registration from Republican to Democrat as he was preparing to enter this year's race -- is making himself a Democratic primary contender with "a tremendous amount of funding, a lot of it from groups that don't normally support Democrats."
That's bluewashing.
John Nichols is a co-founder of Free Press and the co-author with Robert W. McChesney of TRAGEDY & FARCE: How the American Media Sell Wars, Spin Elections, and Destroy Democracy - The New Press.
(c) 2008 The Nation
We all know about greenwashing, the term activists developed to describe deceptive corporate practice of claiming that self-serving policies and harmful products are somehow good for the environment.
Well, perhaps in this year of political change, when polls suggest that Democrats ranks will swell in the House and Senate, it is time to come up with a term for corporate "investment" in friendly Democratic primary candidates running in solidly blue states.
How about bluewashing?
Bluewashing would describe what happens when corporate interests that usually back Republicans suddenly start pouring money into a Democratic primary to support a supposedly "moderate" candidate. It's happening a lot this election season, as business groups seek to hedge their bets in a year when polls show voters are more inclined to back Democrats for House and Senate seats.
Take today's primary in Maine's 1st congressional district.
Democratic incumbent Tom Allen is leaving to run for the Senate.
Six Democrats are running to represent a region known for its strong anti-war, pro-environment and pro-worker sentiments.
Most of the candidates are solid progressives. Former Maine legislator Chellie Pingree -- who went on to serve as national president of Common Cause -- emerged early on as a front-runner with a campaign that boldly recalled her early opposition to the Iraq war and celebrated her support for ending that conflict and redirected money to help Maine workers and communities.
Through most of the race, Pingree's most serious challengers seemed to be Ethan Strimling, an activist state legislator, and Mark Lawrence, a prosecutor. Both Strimling and Lawrence shared Pingree's values. Indeed, the trio competed to out-progressive one another -- not just on war and impeachment issues that are popular with Maine Democrats but on trade and economic justice issues that are bedrock concerns in the state.
But as the primary approached, another candidate, former Republican Adam Cote, began attracting significant money and support from business interests.
For instance:
* Cote was endorsed by BIPAC, the pro-corporate political action committee.
* The Credit Union National Association PAC paid for $135,000 in mailings that favored Cote.
* Tony Payne, a former Republican congressional candidate who now heads the pro-business Alliance for Maine's Future, announced that he was switching parties specifically to vote for Cote. And he says that others have "done the same thing."
* Republican State Senator Karl Turner switched his party affiliation -- "for the moment," according to The Hill newspaper, which has been reporting on Cote's GOP backing -- in order to vote for the former Republican in the Democratic primary. Turner essentially acknowledges that he is part of a move by Republicans to nominate a Democrat they like to represent a district where a GOP candidate would have a hard time winning in the fall. "I'm the one that got outed," he says.
As the money and back-channel support has flowed to Cote, he's come up in the polls. An Iraq war vet who says he wants to bring the troops home and advances a number of other positions generally associated with Democrats, his tactic is to attack Pingree for being too tough in her criticism of President Bush.
Like Strimling and Lawrence, Pingree has endorsed efforts to hold Bush and Vice President Cheney to account for deceiving the American people about the reasons for going to war in Iraq and using their positions to attack political critics. That's hardly a radical stance in Maine. But if the progressive vote is divided in the primary, the bluewashers figure, they can elect a Democrat who is less likely to take strong, independent positions on the corporate-accountability (and trade policy) issues that most concern them.
With the approach of the primary, Cote began attacking Pingree, charging that she is too interested in renewing the role of Congress and restoring the system of checks and balances in Washington.
For her part, Pingree notes that Cote -- who only switched his registration from Republican to Democrat as he was preparing to enter this year's race -- is making himself a Democratic primary contender with "a tremendous amount of funding, a lot of it from groups that don't normally support Democrats."
That's bluewashing.
John Nichols is a co-founder of Free Press and the co-author with Robert W. McChesney of TRAGEDY & FARCE: How the American Media Sell Wars, Spin Elections, and Destroy Democracy - The New Press.
(c) 2008 The Nation