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Watching Donald Trump on TV whipping up his base of supporters at a rally in Harrisburg, Pa., I had a sudden feeling I had seen this all before. I remembered a speech I had seen on YouTube. It was a speech Mussolini had given in Milan in 1932. I watched it again, and it was all there. The chin thrust, the pouts, the hand gestures, the adoring base cheering every word. He spoke of the might of his army "second to none," the "injustices committed against us," and how he had "stormed the old political class." There was even a complaint about the press that had drawn "arbitrary conclusions" to what he was saying. Mussolini's Blackshirts, his squads of roughnecks, were used to assaulting reporters they didn't like.
It got me thinking that nations, like people, can be changed very quickly according to how they are led. Today, Angela Merkel is thought of as the thoughtful, reasonable voice of the liberal order that has ruled in the West since World War II. But within my memory, her country lived under two monstrous dictatorships, Hitler's and East Germany's. What makes Germany today different from the Germany of my childhood is leadership.
"In his 2004 book, The Anatomy of Fascism, Robert O. Paxton wrote that fascism did not die with the end of World War II, that its seeds were planted 'within all democratic countries, not excluding the United States.'"
Japan today is our closest ally in the Far East. A more civilized and polite society you cannot find. Yet older Americans can remember when the Japanese played a very different role. The difference in the way the Japanese treated their prisoners of war in World War I and World War II demonstrates how quickly a country can change. In World War I, Japan was on the side of the Allies, and treated the German and Austrian POWs it captured in Germany's Far East possessions with extreme respect and to the letter of the Geneva Convention.
Then, in the 1930s, Japan turned toward militarism and nationalism. In one generation, when World War II came, Japanese society had changed. When WWII broke out, the Japanese began treating their prisoners of war with extreme cruelty against every convention. The difference was leadership.
Today the Italians are an easygoing and generous people. But when Fascism took hold in the early 1920s, Italy became belligerent and bullying. Its concentration camps for the native population in Libya and its use of poison gas became genocidal. And it was quick to join the Nazis in dreams of conquest. Mussolini was telling Italians they had to begin winning again.
In his 2004 book, The Anatomy of Fascism, Robert O. Paxton wrote that fascism did not die with the end of World War II, that its seeds were planted "within all democratic countries, not excluding the United States." According to Paxton, fascism was a "form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood. . . . "Fascism was an affair of the gut more than of the brain."
Or as R.J.B. Bosworth wrote in his 2005 book "Mussolini's Italy," "Border fascism," an obsession with borders and keeping the population pure, was always a "key strain in the fascist melody," as was "allowing the nation to stand tall again." All you needed was a charismatic leader, Mussolini, whom Paxton compared to the modern "media-era celebrity.
Thirteen years ago Paxton wrote that all that is required for a rebirth of fascism is "polarization, deadlock, mass mobilization against internal and external enemies, and complicity by existing elites. . . . It is of course conceivable that a fascist party could be elected to power in free, competitive elections."
But that could never happen here in America, the oldest democracy in the world, could it?
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Watching Donald Trump on TV whipping up his base of supporters at a rally in Harrisburg, Pa., I had a sudden feeling I had seen this all before. I remembered a speech I had seen on YouTube. It was a speech Mussolini had given in Milan in 1932. I watched it again, and it was all there. The chin thrust, the pouts, the hand gestures, the adoring base cheering every word. He spoke of the might of his army "second to none," the "injustices committed against us," and how he had "stormed the old political class." There was even a complaint about the press that had drawn "arbitrary conclusions" to what he was saying. Mussolini's Blackshirts, his squads of roughnecks, were used to assaulting reporters they didn't like.
It got me thinking that nations, like people, can be changed very quickly according to how they are led. Today, Angela Merkel is thought of as the thoughtful, reasonable voice of the liberal order that has ruled in the West since World War II. But within my memory, her country lived under two monstrous dictatorships, Hitler's and East Germany's. What makes Germany today different from the Germany of my childhood is leadership.
"In his 2004 book, The Anatomy of Fascism, Robert O. Paxton wrote that fascism did not die with the end of World War II, that its seeds were planted 'within all democratic countries, not excluding the United States.'"
Japan today is our closest ally in the Far East. A more civilized and polite society you cannot find. Yet older Americans can remember when the Japanese played a very different role. The difference in the way the Japanese treated their prisoners of war in World War I and World War II demonstrates how quickly a country can change. In World War I, Japan was on the side of the Allies, and treated the German and Austrian POWs it captured in Germany's Far East possessions with extreme respect and to the letter of the Geneva Convention.
Then, in the 1930s, Japan turned toward militarism and nationalism. In one generation, when World War II came, Japanese society had changed. When WWII broke out, the Japanese began treating their prisoners of war with extreme cruelty against every convention. The difference was leadership.
Today the Italians are an easygoing and generous people. But when Fascism took hold in the early 1920s, Italy became belligerent and bullying. Its concentration camps for the native population in Libya and its use of poison gas became genocidal. And it was quick to join the Nazis in dreams of conquest. Mussolini was telling Italians they had to begin winning again.
In his 2004 book, The Anatomy of Fascism, Robert O. Paxton wrote that fascism did not die with the end of World War II, that its seeds were planted "within all democratic countries, not excluding the United States." According to Paxton, fascism was a "form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood. . . . "Fascism was an affair of the gut more than of the brain."
Or as R.J.B. Bosworth wrote in his 2005 book "Mussolini's Italy," "Border fascism," an obsession with borders and keeping the population pure, was always a "key strain in the fascist melody," as was "allowing the nation to stand tall again." All you needed was a charismatic leader, Mussolini, whom Paxton compared to the modern "media-era celebrity.
Thirteen years ago Paxton wrote that all that is required for a rebirth of fascism is "polarization, deadlock, mass mobilization against internal and external enemies, and complicity by existing elites. . . . It is of course conceivable that a fascist party could be elected to power in free, competitive elections."
But that could never happen here in America, the oldest democracy in the world, could it?
Watching Donald Trump on TV whipping up his base of supporters at a rally in Harrisburg, Pa., I had a sudden feeling I had seen this all before. I remembered a speech I had seen on YouTube. It was a speech Mussolini had given in Milan in 1932. I watched it again, and it was all there. The chin thrust, the pouts, the hand gestures, the adoring base cheering every word. He spoke of the might of his army "second to none," the "injustices committed against us," and how he had "stormed the old political class." There was even a complaint about the press that had drawn "arbitrary conclusions" to what he was saying. Mussolini's Blackshirts, his squads of roughnecks, were used to assaulting reporters they didn't like.
It got me thinking that nations, like people, can be changed very quickly according to how they are led. Today, Angela Merkel is thought of as the thoughtful, reasonable voice of the liberal order that has ruled in the West since World War II. But within my memory, her country lived under two monstrous dictatorships, Hitler's and East Germany's. What makes Germany today different from the Germany of my childhood is leadership.
"In his 2004 book, The Anatomy of Fascism, Robert O. Paxton wrote that fascism did not die with the end of World War II, that its seeds were planted 'within all democratic countries, not excluding the United States.'"
Japan today is our closest ally in the Far East. A more civilized and polite society you cannot find. Yet older Americans can remember when the Japanese played a very different role. The difference in the way the Japanese treated their prisoners of war in World War I and World War II demonstrates how quickly a country can change. In World War I, Japan was on the side of the Allies, and treated the German and Austrian POWs it captured in Germany's Far East possessions with extreme respect and to the letter of the Geneva Convention.
Then, in the 1930s, Japan turned toward militarism and nationalism. In one generation, when World War II came, Japanese society had changed. When WWII broke out, the Japanese began treating their prisoners of war with extreme cruelty against every convention. The difference was leadership.
Today the Italians are an easygoing and generous people. But when Fascism took hold in the early 1920s, Italy became belligerent and bullying. Its concentration camps for the native population in Libya and its use of poison gas became genocidal. And it was quick to join the Nazis in dreams of conquest. Mussolini was telling Italians they had to begin winning again.
In his 2004 book, The Anatomy of Fascism, Robert O. Paxton wrote that fascism did not die with the end of World War II, that its seeds were planted "within all democratic countries, not excluding the United States." According to Paxton, fascism was a "form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood. . . . "Fascism was an affair of the gut more than of the brain."
Or as R.J.B. Bosworth wrote in his 2005 book "Mussolini's Italy," "Border fascism," an obsession with borders and keeping the population pure, was always a "key strain in the fascist melody," as was "allowing the nation to stand tall again." All you needed was a charismatic leader, Mussolini, whom Paxton compared to the modern "media-era celebrity.
Thirteen years ago Paxton wrote that all that is required for a rebirth of fascism is "polarization, deadlock, mass mobilization against internal and external enemies, and complicity by existing elites. . . . It is of course conceivable that a fascist party could be elected to power in free, competitive elections."
But that could never happen here in America, the oldest democracy in the world, could it?