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When you read the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission report released last week, it's hard to believe that not so long ago banks were downright boring. Citigroups, JP Morgans, Bank of Americas, and Morgan Stanleys weren't peddling worthless mortgage-backed securities so that Masters of the Universe could collect obscene bonuses. Instead--in response to the Great Depression and some common sense reg
When you read the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission report released last week, it's hard to believe that not so long ago banks were downright boring. Citigroups, JP Morgans, Bank of Americas, and Morgan Stanleys weren't peddling worthless mortgage-backed securities so that Masters of the Universe could collect obscene bonuses. Instead--in response to the Great Depression and some common sense regulations--banks were mostly local, single outlets that collected deposits and made sensible loans.
But beginning in the 1970s, bipartisan public policy ushered in a new era of deregulation and consolidation. The argument was that behemoth banks would be safer, more sophisticated and efficient, save consumers money and support economic growth.
For the most damning evidence of just how wrong that argument is check out the lost wealth and wrecked lives of this Great Recession. The statistics on the size and wealth of today's banks are also very revealing: in 1995, small and mid-sized banks with assets up to $10 billion held 61 percent of all US deposits, today they hold only one-third. The Giant Banks--with over $100B in assets--had just 7 percent of US deposits in 1995, but today hold 44 percent. And despite the fact that small and mid-sized banks possess just 22 percent of all bank assets today, they nevertheless make a dramatic 54 percent of all small business loans. (In contrast, the largest 20 banks average $380 billion in assets and yet do just 28 percent of small business lending.)
This concentration of financial power is not only dangerous, it also fails to serve the needs of the real economy. Stacy Mitchell, senior researcher with the New Rules Project, says that examining the balance sheets of local and Giant banks reveals "two entirely different types of businesses." Local banks are still largely engaged in taking deposits and moving money into the community through the likes of mortgages and small business loans, while Giant banks take deposits and engage in speculative trading that privatizes profits, socializes costs, and exacerbates economic inequality.
"We're fortunate that the small banks are still out there, because if it weren't for them, a lot of the basic economic activity in our communities--the real source of jobs in our communities--would not have the financing that it needs," says Mitchell.
Indeed there are still about 8,000 credit unions and more than 7,600 community banks in the nation. The pressing question is: how do we support and grow these institutions, and return to a people-centered banking system that makes credit readily available and invests in our communities?
One possible answer is the State Bank movement.
The Bank of North Dakota was established in 1919. All state revenues are required by law to be deposited in the bank, and technically all assets of the state are also assets of the bank.
"That means it's got a huge deposit base and a huge capital base," says Ellen Brown, author of Web of Debt.
According to Brown, North Dakota has a huge surplus, the lowest default and unemployment rates in the country, and the most local banks per capita.
"The North Dakota State Bank has actually helped the local banks because they partner with them and provide capital," says Brown. "Local banks elsewhere in the country got sucked into the mortgage-backed securities situation where they would sell off their loans in order to have the capital to make more loans. That doesn't happen in North Dakota because the state bank stepped in and helped with capital needs."
State banks might also be helpful in confronting the budget crises faced by state and local governments. According to Brown, when President Obama proposed that the Fed help states just as it helped Wall Street when it made $12 trillion available through short-term loans and the purchase of toxic assets, the Fed said it wouldn't happen because that kind of activity is not part of the Federal Reserve Act.
But a state with its own bank could easily undertake such action, refinancing the deficit at zero percent interest (just as banks are loaning to one another for virtually nothing, while states are currently borrowing at an average rate of 4.7 percent!)
There are currently three states with bills pending to create state banks--Washington State, Illinois, and Oregon. Legislation to begin state bank feasibility studies is being considered in Hawaii, Virginia, and Massachusetts.
There's transpartisan support for the state bank movement. Barbara Dudley, Co-Chair of Oregon Working Families Party, says that allies on the Oregon state bank bill include small business associations, farmers, and Republicans. (In fact, a strong state bank bill is being introduced by a Republican from Eastern Oregon.)
"We need to get out of our stuck places in terms of thinking who it is that might be willing to think about these ideas and put them forward," says Dudley.
Jared Gardner, co-chair of Oregonians for a State Bank, also spends a good deal of his time listening to bankers and small business advocates, hardly your usual suspects in progressive fights. He says there is broad agreement on the need to reinvest in communities through these kinds of efforts.
"We have an economic leakage happening in our communities. Working people work really hard, and then we pay all of this interest out of our state," says Gardner. "If we can support a vibrant community banking system, then we will have more small business jobs, more jobs, and a healthier economy that responds to local needs."
Of course, achieving this will require constraining the size and limiting the power of big financial institutions. The Nation's national affairs correspondent William Greider notes that small banks typically don't want to disturb their relationships with the big banks "because in a pinch they can go to them for help through a tough moment...that's their life blood." On the other hand, Greider says this issue "goes to all of those institutions in the economy that either didn't know, and now know, or have been sulking for years about the advantages that the government hands out to certain institutions and not to others, and they are now on the table and visible. This politics is going to get stronger, I predict."
Indeed, this will be a tough and long fight to say the least. But the more people see the relationships between the US banking system and their concerns about jobs and the economy, their children's futures, and the state budget crises--the more people may be willing to organize and fight for this kind of systemic change.
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When you read the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission report released last week, it's hard to believe that not so long ago banks were downright boring. Citigroups, JP Morgans, Bank of Americas, and Morgan Stanleys weren't peddling worthless mortgage-backed securities so that Masters of the Universe could collect obscene bonuses. Instead--in response to the Great Depression and some common sense regulations--banks were mostly local, single outlets that collected deposits and made sensible loans.
But beginning in the 1970s, bipartisan public policy ushered in a new era of deregulation and consolidation. The argument was that behemoth banks would be safer, more sophisticated and efficient, save consumers money and support economic growth.
For the most damning evidence of just how wrong that argument is check out the lost wealth and wrecked lives of this Great Recession. The statistics on the size and wealth of today's banks are also very revealing: in 1995, small and mid-sized banks with assets up to $10 billion held 61 percent of all US deposits, today they hold only one-third. The Giant Banks--with over $100B in assets--had just 7 percent of US deposits in 1995, but today hold 44 percent. And despite the fact that small and mid-sized banks possess just 22 percent of all bank assets today, they nevertheless make a dramatic 54 percent of all small business loans. (In contrast, the largest 20 banks average $380 billion in assets and yet do just 28 percent of small business lending.)
This concentration of financial power is not only dangerous, it also fails to serve the needs of the real economy. Stacy Mitchell, senior researcher with the New Rules Project, says that examining the balance sheets of local and Giant banks reveals "two entirely different types of businesses." Local banks are still largely engaged in taking deposits and moving money into the community through the likes of mortgages and small business loans, while Giant banks take deposits and engage in speculative trading that privatizes profits, socializes costs, and exacerbates economic inequality.
"We're fortunate that the small banks are still out there, because if it weren't for them, a lot of the basic economic activity in our communities--the real source of jobs in our communities--would not have the financing that it needs," says Mitchell.
Indeed there are still about 8,000 credit unions and more than 7,600 community banks in the nation. The pressing question is: how do we support and grow these institutions, and return to a people-centered banking system that makes credit readily available and invests in our communities?
One possible answer is the State Bank movement.
The Bank of North Dakota was established in 1919. All state revenues are required by law to be deposited in the bank, and technically all assets of the state are also assets of the bank.
"That means it's got a huge deposit base and a huge capital base," says Ellen Brown, author of Web of Debt.
According to Brown, North Dakota has a huge surplus, the lowest default and unemployment rates in the country, and the most local banks per capita.
"The North Dakota State Bank has actually helped the local banks because they partner with them and provide capital," says Brown. "Local banks elsewhere in the country got sucked into the mortgage-backed securities situation where they would sell off their loans in order to have the capital to make more loans. That doesn't happen in North Dakota because the state bank stepped in and helped with capital needs."
State banks might also be helpful in confronting the budget crises faced by state and local governments. According to Brown, when President Obama proposed that the Fed help states just as it helped Wall Street when it made $12 trillion available through short-term loans and the purchase of toxic assets, the Fed said it wouldn't happen because that kind of activity is not part of the Federal Reserve Act.
But a state with its own bank could easily undertake such action, refinancing the deficit at zero percent interest (just as banks are loaning to one another for virtually nothing, while states are currently borrowing at an average rate of 4.7 percent!)
There are currently three states with bills pending to create state banks--Washington State, Illinois, and Oregon. Legislation to begin state bank feasibility studies is being considered in Hawaii, Virginia, and Massachusetts.
There's transpartisan support for the state bank movement. Barbara Dudley, Co-Chair of Oregon Working Families Party, says that allies on the Oregon state bank bill include small business associations, farmers, and Republicans. (In fact, a strong state bank bill is being introduced by a Republican from Eastern Oregon.)
"We need to get out of our stuck places in terms of thinking who it is that might be willing to think about these ideas and put them forward," says Dudley.
Jared Gardner, co-chair of Oregonians for a State Bank, also spends a good deal of his time listening to bankers and small business advocates, hardly your usual suspects in progressive fights. He says there is broad agreement on the need to reinvest in communities through these kinds of efforts.
"We have an economic leakage happening in our communities. Working people work really hard, and then we pay all of this interest out of our state," says Gardner. "If we can support a vibrant community banking system, then we will have more small business jobs, more jobs, and a healthier economy that responds to local needs."
Of course, achieving this will require constraining the size and limiting the power of big financial institutions. The Nation's national affairs correspondent William Greider notes that small banks typically don't want to disturb their relationships with the big banks "because in a pinch they can go to them for help through a tough moment...that's their life blood." On the other hand, Greider says this issue "goes to all of those institutions in the economy that either didn't know, and now know, or have been sulking for years about the advantages that the government hands out to certain institutions and not to others, and they are now on the table and visible. This politics is going to get stronger, I predict."
Indeed, this will be a tough and long fight to say the least. But the more people see the relationships between the US banking system and their concerns about jobs and the economy, their children's futures, and the state budget crises--the more people may be willing to organize and fight for this kind of systemic change.
When you read the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission report released last week, it's hard to believe that not so long ago banks were downright boring. Citigroups, JP Morgans, Bank of Americas, and Morgan Stanleys weren't peddling worthless mortgage-backed securities so that Masters of the Universe could collect obscene bonuses. Instead--in response to the Great Depression and some common sense regulations--banks were mostly local, single outlets that collected deposits and made sensible loans.
But beginning in the 1970s, bipartisan public policy ushered in a new era of deregulation and consolidation. The argument was that behemoth banks would be safer, more sophisticated and efficient, save consumers money and support economic growth.
For the most damning evidence of just how wrong that argument is check out the lost wealth and wrecked lives of this Great Recession. The statistics on the size and wealth of today's banks are also very revealing: in 1995, small and mid-sized banks with assets up to $10 billion held 61 percent of all US deposits, today they hold only one-third. The Giant Banks--with over $100B in assets--had just 7 percent of US deposits in 1995, but today hold 44 percent. And despite the fact that small and mid-sized banks possess just 22 percent of all bank assets today, they nevertheless make a dramatic 54 percent of all small business loans. (In contrast, the largest 20 banks average $380 billion in assets and yet do just 28 percent of small business lending.)
This concentration of financial power is not only dangerous, it also fails to serve the needs of the real economy. Stacy Mitchell, senior researcher with the New Rules Project, says that examining the balance sheets of local and Giant banks reveals "two entirely different types of businesses." Local banks are still largely engaged in taking deposits and moving money into the community through the likes of mortgages and small business loans, while Giant banks take deposits and engage in speculative trading that privatizes profits, socializes costs, and exacerbates economic inequality.
"We're fortunate that the small banks are still out there, because if it weren't for them, a lot of the basic economic activity in our communities--the real source of jobs in our communities--would not have the financing that it needs," says Mitchell.
Indeed there are still about 8,000 credit unions and more than 7,600 community banks in the nation. The pressing question is: how do we support and grow these institutions, and return to a people-centered banking system that makes credit readily available and invests in our communities?
One possible answer is the State Bank movement.
The Bank of North Dakota was established in 1919. All state revenues are required by law to be deposited in the bank, and technically all assets of the state are also assets of the bank.
"That means it's got a huge deposit base and a huge capital base," says Ellen Brown, author of Web of Debt.
According to Brown, North Dakota has a huge surplus, the lowest default and unemployment rates in the country, and the most local banks per capita.
"The North Dakota State Bank has actually helped the local banks because they partner with them and provide capital," says Brown. "Local banks elsewhere in the country got sucked into the mortgage-backed securities situation where they would sell off their loans in order to have the capital to make more loans. That doesn't happen in North Dakota because the state bank stepped in and helped with capital needs."
State banks might also be helpful in confronting the budget crises faced by state and local governments. According to Brown, when President Obama proposed that the Fed help states just as it helped Wall Street when it made $12 trillion available through short-term loans and the purchase of toxic assets, the Fed said it wouldn't happen because that kind of activity is not part of the Federal Reserve Act.
But a state with its own bank could easily undertake such action, refinancing the deficit at zero percent interest (just as banks are loaning to one another for virtually nothing, while states are currently borrowing at an average rate of 4.7 percent!)
There are currently three states with bills pending to create state banks--Washington State, Illinois, and Oregon. Legislation to begin state bank feasibility studies is being considered in Hawaii, Virginia, and Massachusetts.
There's transpartisan support for the state bank movement. Barbara Dudley, Co-Chair of Oregon Working Families Party, says that allies on the Oregon state bank bill include small business associations, farmers, and Republicans. (In fact, a strong state bank bill is being introduced by a Republican from Eastern Oregon.)
"We need to get out of our stuck places in terms of thinking who it is that might be willing to think about these ideas and put them forward," says Dudley.
Jared Gardner, co-chair of Oregonians for a State Bank, also spends a good deal of his time listening to bankers and small business advocates, hardly your usual suspects in progressive fights. He says there is broad agreement on the need to reinvest in communities through these kinds of efforts.
"We have an economic leakage happening in our communities. Working people work really hard, and then we pay all of this interest out of our state," says Gardner. "If we can support a vibrant community banking system, then we will have more small business jobs, more jobs, and a healthier economy that responds to local needs."
Of course, achieving this will require constraining the size and limiting the power of big financial institutions. The Nation's national affairs correspondent William Greider notes that small banks typically don't want to disturb their relationships with the big banks "because in a pinch they can go to them for help through a tough moment...that's their life blood." On the other hand, Greider says this issue "goes to all of those institutions in the economy that either didn't know, and now know, or have been sulking for years about the advantages that the government hands out to certain institutions and not to others, and they are now on the table and visible. This politics is going to get stronger, I predict."
Indeed, this will be a tough and long fight to say the least. But the more people see the relationships between the US banking system and their concerns about jobs and the economy, their children's futures, and the state budget crises--the more people may be willing to organize and fight for this kind of systemic change.
Democrats on the Joint Economic Committee said that "continued uncertainty" caused by the president's policies could reduce manufacturing investments by nearly half a trillion dollars by the end of this decade.
US President Donald Trump's tariff whiplash has already harmed domestic manufacturing and could continue to do so through at least the end of this decade to the tune of nearly half a trillion dollars, a report published Monday by congressional Democrats on a key economic committee warned.
The Joint Economic Committee (JEC)-Minority said that recent data belied Trump's claim that his global trade war would boost domestic manufacturing, pointing to the 37,000 manufacturing jobs lost since the president announced his so-called "Liberation Day" tariffs in April.
"Hiring in the manufacturing sector has dropped to its lowest level in nearly a decade," the Democrats on the committee wrote. "In addition, many experts have noted that in and of itself, the uncertainty created by the administration so far could significantly damage the broader economy long-term."
"Based on both US business investment projections and economic analyses of the UK in the aftermath of Brexit, the Joint Economic Committee-Minority calculates that a similarly prolonged period of uncertainty in the US could result in an average of 13% less manufacturing investment per year, amounting to approximately $490 billion in foregone investment by 2029," the report states.
"The uncertainty created by the administration so far could significantly damage the broader economy long-term."
"Although businesses have received additional clarity on reciprocal tariff rates in recent days, uncertainty over outstanding negotiations is likely to continue to delay long-term investments and pricing decisions," the publication adds. "Furthermore, even if the uncertainty about the US economy were to end tomorrow, evidence suggests that the uncertainty that businesses have already faced in recent months would still have long-term consequences for the manufacturing sector."
According to the JEC Democrats, the Trump administration has made nearly 100 different tariff policy decisions since April—"including threats, delays, and reversals"—creating uncertainty and insecurity in markets and economies around the world. It's not just manufacturing and markets—economic data released last week by the Bureau of Labor Statistics showed that businesses in some sectors are passing the costs of Trump's tariffs on to consumers.
As the new JEC minority report notes:
As independent research has shown, businesses are less likely to make long-term investments when they face high uncertainty about future policies and economic conditions. For manufacturers, decisions to expand production—which often entail major, irreversible investments in equipment and new facilities that typically take years to complete—require an especially high degree of confidence that these expenses will pay off. This barrier, along with other factors, makes manufacturing the sector most likely to see its growth affected by trade policy uncertainty, as noted recently by analysts at Goldman Sachs.
"Strengthening American manufacturing is critical to the future of our economy and our national security," Joint Economic Committee Ranking Member Maggie Hassan (D-N.H.) said in a statement Monday. "While President Trump promised that he would expand our manufacturing sector, this report shows that, instead, the chaos and uncertainty created by his tariffs has placed a burden on American manufacturers that could weigh our country down for years to come."
"Congressman Bresnahan didn't just vote to gut Pennsylvania hospitals. He looked out for his own bottom line before doing it," said one advocate.
Congressman Rob Bresnahan, a Republican who campaigned on banning stock trading by lawmakers only to make at least 626 stock trades since taking office in January, was under scrutiny Monday for a particular sale he made just before he voted for the largest Medicaid cut in US history.
Soon after a report showed that 10 rural hospitals in Bresnahan's state of Pennsylvania were at risk of being shut down, the congressman sold between $100,001 and $250,000 in bonds issued by the Allegheny County Hospital Development Authority for the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center.
The New York Times reported on the sale a month after it was revealed that Bresnahan sold up to $15,000 of stock he held in Centene Corporation, the largest Medicaid provider in the country. When President Donald Trump signed the so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act into law last month, Centene's stock plummeted by 40%.
Bresnahan repeatedly said he would not vote to cut the safety net before he voted in favor of the bill.
The law is expected to cut $1 trillion from Medicaid over the next decade, with 10-15 million people projected to lose health coverage through the safety net program, according to one recent analysis. More than 700 hospitals, particularly those in rural areas, are likely to close due to a loss of Medicaid funding.
"His prolific stock trading is more than just a broken promise," said Cousin. "It's political malpractice and a scandal of his own making."
The economic justice group Unrig the Economy said that despite Bresnahan's introduction of a bill in May to bar members of Congress from buying and selling stocks—with the caveat that they could keep stocks they held before starting their terms in a blind trust—the congressman is "the one doing the selling... out of Pennsylvania hospitals."
"Congressman Bresnahan didn't just vote to gut Pennsylvania hospitals. He looked out for his own bottom line before doing it," said Unrig Our Economy campaign director Leor Tal. "Hospitals across Pennsylvania could close thanks to his vote, forcing families to drive long distances and experience longer wait times for critical care."
"Not everyone has a secret helicopter they can use whenever they want," added Tal, referring to recent reports that the multi-millionaire congressman owns a helicopter worth as much as $1.5 million, which he purchased through a limited liability company he set up.
Eli Cousin, a spokesperson for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, told the Times that Bresnahan's stock trading "will define his time in Washington and be a major reason why he will lose his seat."
"His prolific stock trading is more than just a broken promise," said Cousin. "It's political malpractice and a scandal of his own making."
"If troops or federal agents violate our rights, they must be held accountable," the ACLU said.
As President Donald Trump escalates the US military occupation of Washington, DC—including by importing hundreds of out-of-state National Guard troops and allowing others to start carrying guns on missions in the nation's capital—the ACLU on Monday reminded his administration that federal forces are constitutionally obligated to protect, not violate, residents' rights.
"With additional state National Guard troops deploying to DC as untrained federal law enforcement agents perform local police duties in city streets, the American Civil Liberties Union is issuing a stark reminder to all federal and military officials that—no matter what uniform they wear or what authority they claim—they are bound by the US Constitution and all federal and local laws," the group said in a statement.
Over the weekend, the Republican governors of Ohio, South Carolina, and West Virginia announced that they are deploying hundreds of National Guard troops to join the 800 DC guardsmen and women recently activated by Trump, who also asserted federal control over the city's Metropolitan Police Department (MPD).
Sending military troops and heavily-armed federal agents to patrol the streets and scare vulnerable communities does not make us safer.
— ACLU (@aclu.org) August 18, 2025 at 12:08 PM
Trump dubiously declared a public safety emergency in a city where violent crime is down 26% from a year ago, when it was at its second-lowest level since 1966, according to official statistics. Critics have noted that Trump's crackdown isn't just targeting criminals, but also unhoused and mentally ill people, who have had their homes destroyed and property taken.
Contradicting assurances from military officials, The Wall Street Journal reported Sunday that the newly deployed troops may be ordered to start carrying firearms. This, along with the president's vow to let police "do whatever the hell they want" to reduce crime in the city and other statements, have raised serious concerns of possible abuses.
"Through his manufactured emergency, President Trump is engaging in dangerous political theater to expand his power and sow fear in our communities," ACLU National Security Project director Hina Shamsi said Monday. "Sending heavily armed federal agents and National Guard troops from hundreds of miles away into our nation's capital is unnecessary, inflammatory, and puts people's rights at high risk of being violated."
Shamsi stressed that "federal agents and military troops are bound by the Constitution, including our rights to peaceful assembly, freedom of speech, due process, and safeguards against unlawful searches and seizures. If troops or federal agents violate our rights, they must be held accountable."
On Friday, the District of Columbia sued the Trump administration to block its order asserting federal authority over the MPD, arguing the move violated the Home Rule Act. U.S. Attorney General Bondi subsequently rescinded her order to replace DC Police Chief Pamela Smith with Drug Enforcement Administration Administrator Terry Cole.
Also on Friday, a group of House Democrats introduced a resolution to terminate Trump's emergency declaration.
The deployment of out-of-state National Guard troops onto our streets is a brazen abuse of power meant to create fear in the District.Join us in the fight for statehood to give D.C. residents the same guardrails against federal overreach as other states: dcstatehoodnow.org
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— ACLU of the District of Columbia (@aclu-dc.bsky.social) August 18, 2025 at 7:23 AM
ACLU of DC executive director Monica Hopkins argued Monday that there is a way to curb Trump's "brazen abuse of power" in the District.
"We need the nation to join us in the fight for statehood so that DC residents are treated like those in every other state and have the same guardrails against federal overreach," she said.