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Iceland's Pirate Party has tripled its seats in the 63-seat parliament, Saturday night's election results show.
Birgitta Jonsdottir, the leader of the Pirate Party, said she was satisfied with the result. "Whatever happens, we have created a wave of change in the Icelandic society," she told a cheering crowd early Sunday morning.
The Pirates won 10 seats, more than tripling its three seats in the last election. The Left-Green Party also won 10 seats Saturday.
The left-leaning parties -- the Left-Greens, the Pirates and two allies -- won a total of 27 seats, just short of the 32 required to command a majority in Iceland's Parliament, the world's oldest.
The governing center-right Progressive party lost more than half of its seats in the election which was triggered by Prime Minister Sigmundur Gunnlaugsson 's resignation in April in the wake of the leaked Panama Papers which revealed the offshore assets of high-profile figures.
Current Prime Minister Sigurdur Ingi Johannsson said he would resign on Sunday.
The anti-establishment Pirate Party, which was founded in 2012, had said it could be looking to form a coalition with three left-wing and centrist parties.
The Pirates' core issues are: direct democracy, freedom of expression, civil rights, net neutrality, and transparency, all set out in a popular, crowdsourced draft of a new national Constitution that the current government has failed to act on. They also seek to re-nationalize the country's natural resource industries, create new rules for civic governance, and issue a passport to Edward Snowden.
Pirate Party founder and MP Birgitta Jonsdottir said she was "very satisfied" with the result.
"Our internal predictions showed 10 to 15%, so this is at the top of the range. We knew that we would never get 30%," Ms Jonsdottir told Reuters. "We want to see trickle-down ethics rather than make-believe trickle-down economics," Ms. Jonsdottir, 49, who is also a former WikiLeaks activist, said
"We are a platform for young people, for progressive people who shape and reshape our society," Ms. Jonsdottir told Agence France-Presse. "Like Robin Hood, because Robin Hood was a pirate, we want to take the power from the powerful to give it to the people."
Inside a modernist warehouse alongside the ocean in Reykjavik, Iceland's capital city, four men sit around a table discussing the country's drug policies. A skull-and-crossbones flag adorns the wall and a cheap blow-up sword hangs over one door frame. Though they aren't wearing eyepatches or hunting for treasure, these Icelanders call themselves Pirates, and they are drafting policy for a new, insurgent political party, the Pirate Party.
Started as a Swedish movement in 2006, the Pirate Party advocated for copyright reform and freedom of access to information. It championed whistleblowers and defended WikiLeaks. After expanding its platform to include civil liberties and direct democracy, the party grew: it now boasts chapters in approximately 60 countries.
Although the Pirate movement only spread to Iceland in 2012, the Icelandic Pirate Party is the most successful branch: it was the first to gain representatives in a national parliament. In 2013, with 5.1 percent of the vote, the Pirates took three seats in Iceland's legislature. And despite its small numbers in parliament, the party spearheaded a repeal of Iceland's 1940 blasphemy law -- a substantial victory for free-speech advocates.
Over the past year, the Pirates have steadily risen in the polls, regularly netting one-third of the support -- a significant plurality in a country with six political parties represented in the parliament. If their support holds, the Pirates could push the center-right coalition out of office in the fall elections.
"The Pirate Party is successful because we have actually proven ourselves to be human," says Asta Helgadottir, 26, one of the Pirate Party's representatives in parliament. "We are not trying to be politicians."
Iceland's Pirates are not alone. Disaffected citizens on both sides of the Atlantic and both sides of the ideological divide -- from the Tea Partiers to the Feel-the-Berners, from the Leavers of Britain to Spain's Podemos and Nuit Debout in France -- have promoted insurgent campaigns, attempting to reinvigorate democracy and bring representation into the 21st century.
The manner in which these political movements choose to build trust, says Helgadottir, is critical.
"You can [build trust] with authority, with ultra-nationalism, the way that Poland and Turkey are going right now," she says. "You tell people, 'I have control, everything is going very well. So you should trust me.'" Or, she continues, you provide "a democratic alternative."
By utilizing the internet to crowdsource policy, the Pirates have chosen the latter path: members can submit proposals for a partywide vote. Such open-ended collaboration has even allowed for ideological diversity within the party, eschewing the traditional left-right divide.
"Almost everyone [in the Party] believes different things than me," says Olafur Torfi Yngvason, who attended his first Pirate meeting in July. "That's the whole point of the Pirate Party. They're not trying to be anywhere on the political axis; they're a collection of people."
The notion that a party could transcend political infighting has captured the attention of many Icelanders, who have an understandable distrust of the political establishment. In 2008, Iceland's banks -- which had ballooned under reckless speculation, foreign-currency borrowing, and absent regulations -- collapsed, leaving the economy in shambles. Public confidence in the political system plummeted. Suddenly, corruption was real and prevalent.
Then, in April, the Panama Papers implicated Prime Minister Sigmundur David Gunnlaugsson for funneling personal finances into offshore accounts. Gunnlaugsson failed to disclose such expenditures to parliament, an illegal act under Icelandic law.
Icelanders took to the streets in the nation's largest-ever protests and forced Gunnlaugsson to resign, though his Progressive Party stayed in power. Following the scandal, the Pirates were polling as high as 43 percent, whereas the Progressives found themselves at 6.5 percent.
Interestingly, the traditional center-left parties have not benefited from the decline of the conservative government. Yngvason says that's because Iceland's leftist parties proved to be incompetent during the four years they held power after Iceland's 2008 financial crash -- the only period a left-wing majority controlled parliament during Iceland's 72 years of independence.
The Social Democrats and Left-Green governing coalition proceeded to lose the 2013 elections to the still-maligned conservative parties after failing to pass meaningful reform during their time in office, and alienating Icelanders by kowtowing to the IMF's bailout demands.
"The leftist parties were always a part of the game," Helgadottir, the young Pirate MP, charges.
The Pirates believe that democratic systems based on centuries-old power structures are increasingly unable to meet the demands of today's generation.
Iceland's democratic structures were inherited from the Danish monarchy, Helgadottir notes. "We still have the same power structures that we had in the 17th century," she says. "[Our government] was not built on democracy; it was built on the idea of an authoritarian king."
For Iceland's Pirates, updating democracy means expanding transparency and giving citizens a greater foothold in policymaking, allowing them to take power back from the political class.
Whether other countries choose to follow in Iceland's footsteps is still an open question.
The US had a revolution to free itself of a monarchy, but now appears to be tilting towards oligarchy. With the expanded role of big money in politics, American political parties have seen their influence wane and voter alienation rise. Could the Democrats and Republicans get their mojo back by becoming more open and attentive to public input -- a change that by definition would mean becoming less attentive to monied special interests?
At minimum, for the US, where voter participation is generally low (a situation exacerbated by recent laws that limit voting rights in some states), it's worth considering the Iceland Pirates' view about what a more representative democracy entails.
"Democracy is much more than voting," says Helgadottir. "It's a means of thinking, a tool. It's a utopian goal: there's no such thing as a perfect democracy. It's something we have to build upon."
Tens of thousands poured into Berlin's streets over the weekend to protest broad surveillance by the the NSA and other intelligence agencies, under the banner of 'Freedom Rather Than Fear,' as new revelations of the broad scope of secret spying continue to set off outrage across the world.

Organizers from opposition Green, The Left, and Pirates parties say 20,000 people joined in the rally that featured signs and banners reading "Stop spying on us" and "Thanks to PRISM (the US government's vast data collection program) the government finally knows what the people want."
Protesters demanded action from Chancellor Angela Merkel's administration, which is both complicit in, and heavily targeted by, NSA spying.
"Intelligence agencies like the NSA shamelessly spy on telephone conversations and Internet connections worldwide (and) our government, one of whose key roles is the protection from harm, sends off soothing explanations," speaker Kai-Uwe Steffens told AFP reporters.
The protests followed last Thursday's revelations, based on documents revealed by whistleblower Edward Snowden, that US and UK intelligence agencies have defeated encryption codes that protect a wide range of online communications, including email correspondence and online banking. They also came on the heels of last Sunday's revelations that the NSA spied on the private communication of Brazilian and Mexican presidents.
In an ongoing scandal that never ceases to surprise, two new reports--presented on Sunday and based on documents provided by NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden--show that the NSA has spied on major companies and hacked into personal smart phones.
Protesters marching in Berlin (via Flickr/phopectiveberlin):
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Italy's two major political parties are stunned by the results of this week's elections: the dramatic surge of the anti-establishment Movimento Cinque Stelle (The Five Star Movement).
The actual outcome of the Italian election remains in doubt, but there's no question who the big winner was: comedian-turned-political activist Beppe Grillo and the Five Star Movement (M5S).

The Five Star Movement's anti-austerity, anti-establishment message struck a chord with millions of Italians. The 'Five Stars' of the movement are the party's core principles:
The big loser? Austerity. Reuters reports:
The election, a massive rejection of the austerity policies applied by Prime Minister Mario Monti with the backing of international leaders from U.S. President Barack Obama to German Chancellor Angela Merkel, caused consternation across Europe.
Grillo's insurgent campaign had almost no money, just a couple of campaign staffers and an RV that carried Grillo all across Italy in what he dubbed the "Tsunami Tour."
The Five Star Movement's simple - yet clear and compelling - message paired with the smart use of social media overcame the challenges of a low-budget campaign. The M5S website is here - Facebook page here - Twitter here. Beppe Grillo's Blog (in English) here.
Jamie Bartlett writing for the Guardian:
How Beppe Grillo's Social Media Politics Took Italy by Storm
"The mainstream parties are finished! They won't survive for long", announced Beppe Grillo, in typical style, on his Five Star Movement's online television channel late on Monday night. For a long time political scientists have predicted that the internet would lead to the decline of formal political parties - and Beppe Grillo is showing how.
[...] he has around a quarter of a million supporters who consider themselves members of the movement: an army of volunteers and door-knockers that would previously have taken years to recruit. The medium and the message fit hand in glove: the media is a racket, so circumvent it. Politics is closed - especially the party list system - so elect members online.
That is why his election rallies have been by far the most well attended of all the candidates, and why the pollsters didn't see him coming: his voters turned out more consistently than anyone else. The same thing happened in Germany with the Pirate party in the recent Berlin election, where pollsters dramatically underestimated their support. Polling companies have some work to do.
This election was a litmus test on whether social media campaigning and support can translate into actual votes. The result is a resounding yes. The melange of virtual and real-world political activity is the way millions of people relate to politics in the 21st century. Formal membership of political parties is plummeting, while social media following - Facebook groups or Twitter followers - is growing fast. Grillo has shown how to use them.
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ACTA, the controversial online piracy treaty, was dealt a blow on Wednesday when the European Parliament voted overwhelmingly to reject it.
The European Parliament voted 478 to 39 against the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement, which was drawn up in secret and had been protested by hundreds of thousands across the EU who saw the treaty as an infringement on internet freedom.
President of the European Parliament Martin Schulz welcomed the decision and stated that "ACTA is the wrong solution to fight online piracy." He said that the treaty negotiations had lacked transparency and acknowledged the massive public mobilizations against the treaty.
"The majority of the parliament is of the opinion that ACTA is too vague - leaving room for abuses and raising concerns about its impact on privacy and civil liberties, on innovation, creativity and the free flow of information," wrote Schulz.
"We have to take all possible measures to fight piracy, but this should never be done at the cost of what has made the internet one of the most revolutionary technologies in history: the EP wants the web to remain free and open," he added.
Civil liberties advocates including Pirate Party leader Loz Kaye also welcomed the decision. "The European Parliament vote is a triumph of democracy over special interests and shady back-room deals. This is a significant victory for digital rights, and it's thanks to the tireless work of activists and grass roots organizations, including the Pirate Party world wide. Without this opposition, our representatives would have waved this agreement through. It is now clear that it is becoming increasingly politically poisonous to be 'anti-internet'," Kaye said.
With this vote, there is no possibility of EU ratification, leaving the future of the treaty uncertain.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel and her conservative party suffered a crushing defeat on Sunday in an election in Germany's most populous state, a result which should embolden the left opposition to step up its criticism of her European 'austerity' policies.
The crushing defeat leaves her vulnerable at a time when a backlash against her insistence on austerity is building across Europe. Recent elections have rejected austerity policies in Greece, France and Italy, severely weakening Chancellor Merkel.
According to early projections, the center-left Social Democrats (SPD) won 38.8 percent of the vote and will have enough to form a stable majority with the Greens, who scored 12.2 percent.
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The Guardian reports:
Voters in Germany's most populous state handed a resounding victory to the center-left , dealing a heavy blow to Angela Merkel's conservatives in what was interpreted as a backlash against the chancellor's European austerity campaign.
The worst result in the state for the conservatives since 1949Exit polls in the election in North Rhine-Westphalia showed Hannelore Kraft of the center-left Social Democrats (SPD) had soundly beat her Christian Democrat (CDU) rival Norbert Rottgen, Merkel's environment minister.
The SPD secured 39% of the vote to the CDU's 26% in what amounted to the worst result in the state for the conservatives since 1949. The Greens took 12%, ensuring that a coalition with the SPD would mean a 10-seat majority in the state parliament. The Free Democratic party (FDP), Merkel's coalition partner in the federal government, took 8.5% of the vote.
The parvenu Pirates party, whose platform is based on greater openness in government through technology, were celebrating their fourth successive entry into a regional parliament after polling 7.5%.
The result in North Rhine-Westphalia - whose 18-million population makes it bigger than EU countries including Greece whose perilous economic situation and Germany's approach to it was often the focus of the campaign - is seen as setting the tone for next year's federal elections.
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So the voters have voted--in Britain, in France, in Greece, in Schleswig-Holstein--and the markets are tumbling.

European voters everywhere are turning against the elites that have managed most of the continent for the last few decades. The financial crisis has broken the illusion of stability; the cracks in the concrete of the Eurozone are gaping. As I wrote here on Friday, the voices being raised against austerity come from the far right as well as the left. Yesterday Greece became the first European country to elect neo-Nazis--twenty-one members of the racist Golden Dawn party--to its parliament. Their leader, Nikolaos Michaloliakos, dedicated his victory to "the brave boys in the black shirts"; some candidates used the rising phoenix, emblem of the colonels' junta of 1967 to 1974, as their election poster. "Those who slander us," he barked, and "those who betray this country should be afraid: we're coming." Golden Dawn won votes across much of the country--and not just in the inner cities, where its supporters stage pogroms against immigrants and woo old ladies with offers to escort them to the cash machine. It also got the votes of one in ten young people. If you add that vote to those of the other two far-right parties, Laos and Panos Kammenos' Independent Greeks, then one in five Greeks voted for rabid nationalism and anti-immigrant rhetoric.
"Across Europe, it's no to austerity, and yes to--what?"
I've tried to explain the rise of Golden Dawn in my piece for the Guardian today--and also the success of Antonis Tsipras's Syriza, the Coalition of the Radical Left. Syriza was the breakthrough party of the Greek election, taking all of the greater Athens region and central Thessaloniki and coming in second--ahead of the discredited socialist Pasok--overall. The charismatic Tsipras managed to articulate a very basic program--opposition to the EU/IMF measures, redistribution of wealth, a restoration of welfare rights--that much of the broad left opposition to austerity could sign up to; he's also the man who figured out how to speak to the people in the streets. "We are the many, they are the few," goes one of Syriza's slogans; "They decide without us, we proceed without them," goes another.
Greeks who remember the '80s and the speeches of Pasosk's founder, Andreas Papandreou, find much in Tsipras to remind them of that master rabble-rouser. Although he swears he's for "the people," not "the state," he has refused to talk about the reform of Greece's creaking bureaucracy, or about how exactly he plans to save the economy, beyond taxing the rich and calling the Europeans' bluff on ejecting Greece from the Eurozone. But at moment like this, populism can be (very briefly) useful, as well as seductive and dangerous. Set beside Hollande's victory in France, Tsipras's success has helped drive home the message that Europeans have had it with austerity. Both elections were referendums on European economic strategy; both roundly rejected it. The German finance minister issued a shameful threat to the Greeks the day before the vote, saying that they must honor their commitments or "take the consequences." It isn't clear yet what those consequences will be; but then, what we've got now clearly isn't working either. In the long battle between the markets and democracy, it's one to democracy, with all its flaws and pitfalls. No one said it would be easy.