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A Norfolk Southern train passes through East Palestine, Ohio on February 14, 2023.
"The citizens of Cincinnati are at a historical crossroads," wrote one locomotive engineer of Issue 22. "The choice they make could either uphold a legacy of public ownership that has withstood the test of time or cede control to private interests."
Cincinnati voters will decide next Tuesday whether to allow the company responsible for the toxic train crash in East Palestine, Ohio earlier this year to purchase the last remaining municipally owned interstate railroad in the United States.
Norfolk Southern has been working to buy the Cincinnati Southern Railway (CSR) for years, but the effort largely flew under the national radar until one of the company's trains derailed in East Palestine in February 2023, unleashing chemical pollution that sparked major public health concerns and put the small Ohio town in the spotlight.
The wreck brought renewed scrutiny to Norfolk Southern's lax safety procedures, poor treatment of workers, and long history of lobbying against basic regulatory measures, making the hugely profitable corporation a poster child of rail industry greed and dysfunction.
Concerns about Norfolk Southern's practices in the wake of the East Palestine disaster have fueled opposition to the company's proposed $1.6 billion purchase of the CSR, which has been in public hands since its construction in the late 1800s.
The unelected Cincinnati board of trustees that manages the 338-mile CSR and the city's Democratic mayor announced and celebrated the proposed sale last November, setting the stage for the November 7 vote on Issue 22.
Cincinnati Interfaith Workers Center organizer Magda Orlander told In These Times on Wednesday that public opposition to the proposed sale has been "snowballing" since early voting began in early October. The grassroots group Derail the Sale has formed in opposition to Issue 22 and a number of local organizations, including the Cincinnati NAACP and Neighborhoods United Cincinnati, have joined the fight.
"When a big corporation, with all these investment interests behind it, throws around a wad of cash like that, it's pretty clear who's getting duped," said Orlander, referring to the $4.25 million that Norfolk Southern has spent trying to build support for the sale, which recently won the approval of federal regulators.
At a rally against the sale last month, Brian Garry, the executive director of Neighborhoods United Cincinnati, said that the CSR is "the largest asset that we own."
"It's like our family savings and they're just selling it," said Garry. "They say they’re building Cincinnati's future? They're selling Cincinnati's future."
Cincinnati, which is roughly 300 miles from East Palestine, has been leasing its railway to Norfolk Southern for decades, and the existing agreement with the company currently brings the city roughly $25 million a year.
If the sale is approved, the $1.6 billion in proceeds would be placed in a trust fund operated by the unelected Cincinnati Southern Railway Board of Trustees, which unanimously approved Norfolk Southern's purchase last year.
Proponents of the sale have touted its potential economic benefits for the city, which—thanks to a recent change to a 150-year-old statute—could spend the sale revenue on infrastructure improvements.
But critics of the deal have cast doubt on the supposed financial boon the sale would bring to Cincinnati and raised concerns about potential economic risks.
"Money flowing into Cincinnati’s coffers under the current CSR lease agreement guarantees $25 million per year for infrastructure improvements in the city," Werner Lange, a retired educator with five grandchildren living in Cincinnati, wrote in a May op-ed for the Cincinnati CityBeat.
"Under the purchase agreement signed last November, there is absolutely no such guaranteed income, only speculation," he added. "According to recent state law, should there be more than a 25% loss on speculative investments made by appointed financial managers from the $1.62 billion sale price, then the city receives nothing—nada—until the stock market loss is rectified, if ever. A lesson often painfully learned too late, amplified by recent bank failures, is that a bird in hand is worth more than two in the bush."
"The Cincinnati Southern Railway is more than just a railroad; it's a testament to Cincinnati's visionary past and a beacon for a self-reliant future."
Safety and health concerns have also animated opposition to the sale.
Last month, leaders of the Unity Council for the East Palestine Train Derailment—a community oversight committee formed in the wake of the February crash—implored Cincinnati voters to vote no on Issue 22, arguing that "there is no benefit from the sale of Cincinnati Southern Railway that outweighs the health of your families."
"Do not make the same mistakes our community did and ignore the dangers associated with Norfolk Southern," the council's president and secretary wrote in an op-ed for the Cincinnati Enquirer. "Open your eyes, look around you, research the facts to make an informed decision for your families' health, your children's health, and the health of future generations. We never want another community to feel the earth-shattering words of the Centers for Disease Control telling you that you all have had chemical exposure and they don't know what to do about that, but they do know how to treat the cancers it could cause in the future."
While the sale has garnered support from some unions, including the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers and Trainmen, other rail unions and labor activists in Ohio and around the country have raised alarm about the prospect of Norfolk Southern buying up the nation's only municipally owned interstate railroad.
Railroad Workers United (RWU), an inter-union alliance representing rail workers across the United States, has helped organize local opposition to the Norfolk Southern sale, describing Issue 22 as a choice between public ownership of a critical community asset and the "short-term gain" offered by privatization. RWU supports the full nationalization of U.S. railroads.
Jason Doering, a locomotive engineer and labor activist, wrote in a social media post on Wednesday that "the citizens of Cincinnati are at a historical crossroads."
"The choice they make could either uphold a legacy of public ownership that has withstood the test of time or cede control to private interests, potentially eroding the very fabric of community self-determination and financial prudence that has defined Cincinnati for over a century," Doering wrote. "The Cincinnati Southern Railway is more than just a railroad; it's a testament to Cincinnati's visionary past and a beacon for a self-reliant future."
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Cincinnati voters will decide next Tuesday whether to allow the company responsible for the toxic train crash in East Palestine, Ohio earlier this year to purchase the last remaining municipally owned interstate railroad in the United States.
Norfolk Southern has been working to buy the Cincinnati Southern Railway (CSR) for years, but the effort largely flew under the national radar until one of the company's trains derailed in East Palestine in February 2023, unleashing chemical pollution that sparked major public health concerns and put the small Ohio town in the spotlight.
The wreck brought renewed scrutiny to Norfolk Southern's lax safety procedures, poor treatment of workers, and long history of lobbying against basic regulatory measures, making the hugely profitable corporation a poster child of rail industry greed and dysfunction.
Concerns about Norfolk Southern's practices in the wake of the East Palestine disaster have fueled opposition to the company's proposed $1.6 billion purchase of the CSR, which has been in public hands since its construction in the late 1800s.
The unelected Cincinnati board of trustees that manages the 338-mile CSR and the city's Democratic mayor announced and celebrated the proposed sale last November, setting the stage for the November 7 vote on Issue 22.
Cincinnati Interfaith Workers Center organizer Magda Orlander told In These Times on Wednesday that public opposition to the proposed sale has been "snowballing" since early voting began in early October. The grassroots group Derail the Sale has formed in opposition to Issue 22 and a number of local organizations, including the Cincinnati NAACP and Neighborhoods United Cincinnati, have joined the fight.
"When a big corporation, with all these investment interests behind it, throws around a wad of cash like that, it's pretty clear who's getting duped," said Orlander, referring to the $4.25 million that Norfolk Southern has spent trying to build support for the sale, which recently won the approval of federal regulators.
At a rally against the sale last month, Brian Garry, the executive director of Neighborhoods United Cincinnati, said that the CSR is "the largest asset that we own."
"It's like our family savings and they're just selling it," said Garry. "They say they’re building Cincinnati's future? They're selling Cincinnati's future."
Cincinnati, which is roughly 300 miles from East Palestine, has been leasing its railway to Norfolk Southern for decades, and the existing agreement with the company currently brings the city roughly $25 million a year.
If the sale is approved, the $1.6 billion in proceeds would be placed in a trust fund operated by the unelected Cincinnati Southern Railway Board of Trustees, which unanimously approved Norfolk Southern's purchase last year.
Proponents of the sale have touted its potential economic benefits for the city, which—thanks to a recent change to a 150-year-old statute—could spend the sale revenue on infrastructure improvements.
But critics of the deal have cast doubt on the supposed financial boon the sale would bring to Cincinnati and raised concerns about potential economic risks.
"Money flowing into Cincinnati’s coffers under the current CSR lease agreement guarantees $25 million per year for infrastructure improvements in the city," Werner Lange, a retired educator with five grandchildren living in Cincinnati, wrote in a May op-ed for the Cincinnati CityBeat.
"Under the purchase agreement signed last November, there is absolutely no such guaranteed income, only speculation," he added. "According to recent state law, should there be more than a 25% loss on speculative investments made by appointed financial managers from the $1.62 billion sale price, then the city receives nothing—nada—until the stock market loss is rectified, if ever. A lesson often painfully learned too late, amplified by recent bank failures, is that a bird in hand is worth more than two in the bush."
"The Cincinnati Southern Railway is more than just a railroad; it's a testament to Cincinnati's visionary past and a beacon for a self-reliant future."
Safety and health concerns have also animated opposition to the sale.
Last month, leaders of the Unity Council for the East Palestine Train Derailment—a community oversight committee formed in the wake of the February crash—implored Cincinnati voters to vote no on Issue 22, arguing that "there is no benefit from the sale of Cincinnati Southern Railway that outweighs the health of your families."
"Do not make the same mistakes our community did and ignore the dangers associated with Norfolk Southern," the council's president and secretary wrote in an op-ed for the Cincinnati Enquirer. "Open your eyes, look around you, research the facts to make an informed decision for your families' health, your children's health, and the health of future generations. We never want another community to feel the earth-shattering words of the Centers for Disease Control telling you that you all have had chemical exposure and they don't know what to do about that, but they do know how to treat the cancers it could cause in the future."
While the sale has garnered support from some unions, including the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers and Trainmen, other rail unions and labor activists in Ohio and around the country have raised alarm about the prospect of Norfolk Southern buying up the nation's only municipally owned interstate railroad.
Railroad Workers United (RWU), an inter-union alliance representing rail workers across the United States, has helped organize local opposition to the Norfolk Southern sale, describing Issue 22 as a choice between public ownership of a critical community asset and the "short-term gain" offered by privatization. RWU supports the full nationalization of U.S. railroads.
Jason Doering, a locomotive engineer and labor activist, wrote in a social media post on Wednesday that "the citizens of Cincinnati are at a historical crossroads."
"The choice they make could either uphold a legacy of public ownership that has withstood the test of time or cede control to private interests, potentially eroding the very fabric of community self-determination and financial prudence that has defined Cincinnati for over a century," Doering wrote. "The Cincinnati Southern Railway is more than just a railroad; it's a testament to Cincinnati's visionary past and a beacon for a self-reliant future."
Cincinnati voters will decide next Tuesday whether to allow the company responsible for the toxic train crash in East Palestine, Ohio earlier this year to purchase the last remaining municipally owned interstate railroad in the United States.
Norfolk Southern has been working to buy the Cincinnati Southern Railway (CSR) for years, but the effort largely flew under the national radar until one of the company's trains derailed in East Palestine in February 2023, unleashing chemical pollution that sparked major public health concerns and put the small Ohio town in the spotlight.
The wreck brought renewed scrutiny to Norfolk Southern's lax safety procedures, poor treatment of workers, and long history of lobbying against basic regulatory measures, making the hugely profitable corporation a poster child of rail industry greed and dysfunction.
Concerns about Norfolk Southern's practices in the wake of the East Palestine disaster have fueled opposition to the company's proposed $1.6 billion purchase of the CSR, which has been in public hands since its construction in the late 1800s.
The unelected Cincinnati board of trustees that manages the 338-mile CSR and the city's Democratic mayor announced and celebrated the proposed sale last November, setting the stage for the November 7 vote on Issue 22.
Cincinnati Interfaith Workers Center organizer Magda Orlander told In These Times on Wednesday that public opposition to the proposed sale has been "snowballing" since early voting began in early October. The grassroots group Derail the Sale has formed in opposition to Issue 22 and a number of local organizations, including the Cincinnati NAACP and Neighborhoods United Cincinnati, have joined the fight.
"When a big corporation, with all these investment interests behind it, throws around a wad of cash like that, it's pretty clear who's getting duped," said Orlander, referring to the $4.25 million that Norfolk Southern has spent trying to build support for the sale, which recently won the approval of federal regulators.
At a rally against the sale last month, Brian Garry, the executive director of Neighborhoods United Cincinnati, said that the CSR is "the largest asset that we own."
"It's like our family savings and they're just selling it," said Garry. "They say they’re building Cincinnati's future? They're selling Cincinnati's future."
Cincinnati, which is roughly 300 miles from East Palestine, has been leasing its railway to Norfolk Southern for decades, and the existing agreement with the company currently brings the city roughly $25 million a year.
If the sale is approved, the $1.6 billion in proceeds would be placed in a trust fund operated by the unelected Cincinnati Southern Railway Board of Trustees, which unanimously approved Norfolk Southern's purchase last year.
Proponents of the sale have touted its potential economic benefits for the city, which—thanks to a recent change to a 150-year-old statute—could spend the sale revenue on infrastructure improvements.
But critics of the deal have cast doubt on the supposed financial boon the sale would bring to Cincinnati and raised concerns about potential economic risks.
"Money flowing into Cincinnati’s coffers under the current CSR lease agreement guarantees $25 million per year for infrastructure improvements in the city," Werner Lange, a retired educator with five grandchildren living in Cincinnati, wrote in a May op-ed for the Cincinnati CityBeat.
"Under the purchase agreement signed last November, there is absolutely no such guaranteed income, only speculation," he added. "According to recent state law, should there be more than a 25% loss on speculative investments made by appointed financial managers from the $1.62 billion sale price, then the city receives nothing—nada—until the stock market loss is rectified, if ever. A lesson often painfully learned too late, amplified by recent bank failures, is that a bird in hand is worth more than two in the bush."
"The Cincinnati Southern Railway is more than just a railroad; it's a testament to Cincinnati's visionary past and a beacon for a self-reliant future."
Safety and health concerns have also animated opposition to the sale.
Last month, leaders of the Unity Council for the East Palestine Train Derailment—a community oversight committee formed in the wake of the February crash—implored Cincinnati voters to vote no on Issue 22, arguing that "there is no benefit from the sale of Cincinnati Southern Railway that outweighs the health of your families."
"Do not make the same mistakes our community did and ignore the dangers associated with Norfolk Southern," the council's president and secretary wrote in an op-ed for the Cincinnati Enquirer. "Open your eyes, look around you, research the facts to make an informed decision for your families' health, your children's health, and the health of future generations. We never want another community to feel the earth-shattering words of the Centers for Disease Control telling you that you all have had chemical exposure and they don't know what to do about that, but they do know how to treat the cancers it could cause in the future."
While the sale has garnered support from some unions, including the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers and Trainmen, other rail unions and labor activists in Ohio and around the country have raised alarm about the prospect of Norfolk Southern buying up the nation's only municipally owned interstate railroad.
Railroad Workers United (RWU), an inter-union alliance representing rail workers across the United States, has helped organize local opposition to the Norfolk Southern sale, describing Issue 22 as a choice between public ownership of a critical community asset and the "short-term gain" offered by privatization. RWU supports the full nationalization of U.S. railroads.
Jason Doering, a locomotive engineer and labor activist, wrote in a social media post on Wednesday that "the citizens of Cincinnati are at a historical crossroads."
"The choice they make could either uphold a legacy of public ownership that has withstood the test of time or cede control to private interests, potentially eroding the very fabric of community self-determination and financial prudence that has defined Cincinnati for over a century," Doering wrote. "The Cincinnati Southern Railway is more than just a railroad; it's a testament to Cincinnati's visionary past and a beacon for a self-reliant future."
Judge Rossie Alston Jr. ruled the plaintiffs had failed to prove the groups provided "ongoing, continuous, systematic, and material support for Hamas and its affiliates."
A federal judge appointed in 2019 by US President Donald Trump has dismissed a lawsuit filed against pro-Palestinian organizations that alleged they were fronts for the terrorist organization Hamas.
In a ruling issued on Friday, Judge Rossie Alston Jr. of the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia found that the plaintiffs who filed the case against the pro-Palestine groups had not sufficiently demonstrated a clear link between the groups and Hamas' attack on Israel on October 7, 2023.
The plaintiffs in the case—consisting of seven Americans and two Israelis—were all victims of the Hamas attack that killed an estimated 1,200 people, including more than 700 Israeli civilians.
They alleged that the pro-Palestinian groups—including National Students for Justice in Palestine, WESPAC Foundation, and Americans for Justice in Palestine Educational Foundation—provided material support to Hamas that directly led to injuries they suffered as a result of the October 7 attack.
This alleged support for Hamas, the plaintiffs argued, violated both the Anti-Terrorism Act and the Alien Tort Statute.
However, after examining all the evidence presented by the plaintiffs, Alston found they had not proven their claim that the organizations in question provide "ongoing, continuous, systematic, and material support for Hamas and its affiliates."
Specifically, Alston said that the claims made by the plaintiffs "are all very general and conclusory and do not specifically relate to the injuries" that they suffered in the Hamas attack.
"Although plaintiffs conclude that defendants have aided and abetted Hamas by providing it with 'material support despite knowledge of Hamas' terrorist activity both before, during, and after its October 7 terrorist attack,' plaintiffs do not allege that any planning, preparation, funding, or execution of the October 7, 2023 attack or any violations of international law by Hamas occurred in the United States," Alston emphasized. "None of the direct attackers are alleged to be citizens of the United States."
Alston was unconvinced by the plaintiffs' claims that the pro-Palestinian organizations "act as Hamas' public relations division, recruiting domestic foot soldiers to disseminate Hamas’s propaganda," and he similarly dismissed them as "vague and conclusory."
He then said that the plaintiffs did not establish that these "public relations" activities purportedly done on behalf of Hamas had "aided and abetted Hamas in carrying out the specific October 7, 2023 attack (or subsequent or continuing Hamas violations) that caused the Israeli Plaintiffs' injuries."
Alston concluded by dismissing the plaintiffs' case without prejudice, meaning they are free to file an amended lawsuit against the plaintiffs within 30 days of the judge's ruling.
"Putin got one hell of a photo op out of Trump," wrote one critic.
US President Donald Trump on Saturday morning tried to put his best spin on a Friday summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin that yielded neither a cease-fire agreement nor a comprehensive peace deal to end the war in Ukraine.
Writing on his Truth Social page, the president took a victory lap over the summit despite coming home completely empty-handed when he flew back from Alaska on Friday night.
"A great and very successful day in Alaska!" Trump began. "The meeting with President Vladimir Putin of Russia went very well, as did a late night phone call with President Zelenskyy of Ukraine, and various European Leaders, including the highly respected Secretary General of NATO."
Trump then pivoted to saying that he was fine with not obtaining a cease-fire agreement, even though he said just days before that he'd impose "severe consequences" on Russia if it did not agree to one.
"It was determined by all that the best way to end the horrific war between Russia and Ukraine is to go directly to a Peace Agreement, which would end the war, and not a mere Cease-fire Agreement, which often times do not hold up," Trump said. "President Zelenskyy will be coming to DC, the Oval Office, on Monday afternoon. If all works out, we will then schedule a meeting with President Putin. Potentially, millions of people's lives will be saved."
While Trump did his best to put a happy face on the summit, many critics contended it was nothing short of a debacle for the US president.
Writing in The New Yorker, Susan Glasser argued that the entire summit with Putin was a "self-own of embarrassing proportions," given that he literally rolled out the red carpet for his Russian counterpart and did not achieve any success in bringing the war to a close.
"Putin got one hell of a photo op out of Trump, and still more time on the clock to prosecute his war against the 'brotherly' Ukrainian people, as he had the chutzpah to call them during his remarks in Alaska," she wrote. "The most enduring images from Anchorage, it seems, will be its grotesque displays of bonhomie between the dictator and his longtime American admirer."
She also noted that Trump appeared to shift the entire burden of ending the war onto Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, and he even said after the Putin summit that "it's really up to President Zelenskyy to get it done."
This led Glasser to comment that "if there's one unwavering Law of Trump, this is it: Whatever happens, it is never, ever, his fault."
Glasser wasn't the only critic to offer a scathing assessment of the summit. The Economist blasted Trump in an editorial about the meeting, which it labeled a "gift" to Putin. The magazine also contrasted the way that Trump treated Putin during his visit to American soil with the way that he treated Zelenskyy during an Oval Office meeting earlier this year.
"The honors for Mr. Putin were in sharp contrast to the public humiliation that Mr. Trump and his advisers inflicted on Mr. Zelenskyy during his first visit to the White House earlier this year," they wrote. "Since then relations with Ukraine have improved, but Mr. Trump has often been quick to blame it for being invaded; and he has proved strangely indulgent with Mr. Putin."
Michael McFaul, an American ambassador to Russia under former President Barack Obama, was struck by just how much effort went into holding a summit that accomplished nothing.
"Summits usually have deliverables," he told The Atlantic. "This meeting had none... I hope that they made some progress towards next steps in the peace process. But there is no evidence of that yet."
Mamdani won the House minority leader's district by double digits in New York City's Democratic mayoral primary, prompting one critic to ask, "Do those voters not matter?"
Zohran Mamdani is the Democratic nominee for New York City mayor, but Democratic U.S. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries—whose district Mamdani won by double digits—is still refusing to endorse him, "blue-no-matter-who" mantra be damned.
Criticism of Jeffries (D-N.Y.) mounted Friday after he sidestepped questions about whether he agreed with the democratic socialist Mamdani's proposed policies—including a rent freeze, universal public transportation, and free supermarkets—during an interview on CNBC's "Squawk Box" earlier this week.
"He's going to have to demonstrate to a broader electorate—including in many of the neighborhoods that I represent in Brooklyn—that his ideas can actually be put into reality," Jeffries said in comments that drew praise from scandal-ridden incumbent Democratic Mayor Eric Adams, who opted to run independently. Another Democrat, disgraced former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo, is also running on his own.
"Shit like this does more to undermine faith in the institution of the Democratic Party than anything Mamdani might ever say or do," Amanda Litman, co-founder and executive director of Run For Something—a political action group that recruits young, diverse progressives to run for down-ballot offices—said on social media in response to Jeffries' refusal to endorse Mamdani.
"He won the primary! Handily!!" Litman added. "Does that electorate not count? Do those voters not matter?"
Writer and professor Roxane Gay noted on Bluesky that "Jeffries is an establishment Democrat. He will always work for the establishment. He is not a disruptor or innovator or individual thinker. Within that framework, his gutless behavior toward Mamdani or any progressive candidate makes a lot of sense."
City College of New York professor Angus Johnston said on the social network Bluesky that "even if Jeffries does eventually endorse Mamdani, the only response available to Mamdani next year if someone asks him whether he's endorsing Jeffries is three seconds of incredulous laughter."
Jeffries has repeatedly refused to endorse Mamdani, a staunch supporter of Palestinian liberation and vocal opponent of Israel's genocidal annihilation of Gaza. The minority leader—whose all-time top campaign donor is the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, according to AIPAC Tracker—has especially criticized Mamdani's use of the phrase "globalize the intifada," a call for universal justice and liberation.
Mamdani's stance doesn't seem to have harmed his support among New York's Jewish voters, who according to recent polling prefer him over any other mayoral candidate by a double-digit margin.