To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.
A Saturn car dealership advertises a car sale in this 2008 file photo. Abuses alleged by former insiders mirror some of the tactics that gave the mortgage industry a bad name and prompted consumer advocates and lawmakers to push for the creation of a federal consumer financial protection agency. Now, car dealers and their critics are clashing over whether the dealers should be excused from oversight by the consumer-protection bureau. (Melanie Stetson Freeman/The Christian Science Monitor/File)
In Arizona, Hector Maldonado says he ran into trouble with his
bosses because he objected to what he claims was his employer's habit of
faking financial information to qualify customers for loans they
couldn't afford. One manager, Maldonado alleged in a lawsuit, cursed and
threatened him after he came forward with information documenting
dishonest lending practices.
In Michigan, Matthew Manley claims his coworkers saddled customers
with bigger loans by slipping unapproved charges into the deals. One
manager, Manley alleges in his own lawsuit, urged him to target
vulnerable customers - referring to the elderly as "people with oxygen
tanks" and African Americans as "the dumb blacks."
In the wake of the nation's mortgage meltdown, Maldonado and
Manley's allegations sound familiar. But the pair weren't employed in
the subprime mortgage business. They worked for car dealers.
They are among 20 former auto dealership insiders from Arizona,
California, Florida, Michigan, Illinois and Hawaii who describe a
culture in which forged documents, hidden fees and other questionable
practices were tools of the trade. These accounts, provided in court
records and in interviews with the Center for Public Integrity, paint an
unflattering portrait of the on-the-ground realities of auto financing.
The abuses alleged by the former insiders mirror some of the tactics
that gave the mortgage industry a bad name and prompted consumer
advocates and lawmakers to push for the creation of a federal consumer
financial protection agency. Now, as Senate and House negotiators try to come to
agreement on the final shape of a sweeping financial reform bill, car
dealers and their critics are clashing over whether the dealers should
be excused from oversight by the consumer-protection bureau.
Congressional negotiators are expected to take up the auto dealer
carve-out issue on Tuesday.
Car dealers arrange the financing for what for many Americans is
their largest or second-largest financial obligation. Consumer activists
say that the industry, which is increasingly led by an array of Wall
Street-traded "megadealer" chains, shouldn't be given a free pass from
stepped-up federal oversight. (See accompanying sidebar.)
Auto dealers and their defenders say that abuses in the industry are
rare. They note that they're already overseen by a myriad of state
agencies as well as the Federal Trade Commission, and say
that it would be unfair to force them to operate under yet another layer
of regulation.
Charles Cyrill, spokesman for the National
Automobile Dealers Association, said in a written statement to the
Center that comparing auto financing practices to the practices that led
to the mortgage meltdown is an exercise in myth-making. "Auto loans are
sound, based on due diligence, and do not pose systemic risk," he said.
"Unlike mortgages, auto finance did not experience a subprime lending
crisis and does not pose a systemic risk to the nation's financial
system. No one is talking about an 'auto bubble.'"
The battle over whether to exempt car dealers from the increased
federal regulation has been a contentious one, marked by a
multi-million-dollar lobbying blitz and, according to news reports, at
least one congressional ethics inquiry.
During 2009 and the first quarter of 2010, the National Automobile
Dealers Association and the American International Automobile Dealers
Association spent almost $3.5 million to lobby on financial reform and
other issues, according to congressional disclosure documents examined by the Center. NADA
represents more than 17,000 dealers; AIADA represents some 10,000 foreign-car
franchises.
California Republican Rep. John Campbell, a former auto dealer, was
the main force behind the auto dealer exemption from oversight by the
proposed consumer agency in the bill that passed the House. "He was
trying to support his buddies," said Lauren Weiner, a spokeswoman for
Americans for Financial Reform, a coalition advocating for strict
financial industry regulation. Since 2005, auto dealers have donated
$112,000 to Campbell's political campaigns, according to the Center for
Responsive Politics. Campbell's office did not immediately respond to
calls for comment.
In the Senate, Sam Brownback, a Kansas Republican, failed in his
effort to push through an amendment to carve out dealers from oversight,
but won a nonbinding resolution urging Senate negotiators to fight for
the exclusion when they meet with House members to finalize reform
legislation. Since 1998, auto dealers have donated more than $50,000 to
Brownback's campaigns.
The Hill has reported that the Office of
Congressional Ethics is looking into the actions of Rep. Melvin Watt, a
North Carolina Democrat, in connection with the jockeying over financial
reform's impact on car dealers. The newspaper reported that Watt
offered an amendment that would have narrowed car dealers' exemption
from oversight by the consumer finance protection agency, but then
pulled it on Dec. 11, two days after a group of corporate players -
including companies involved in auto financing - held a fundraiser for
him. Watt said in a statement that he was confident the
inquiry would find "no violation of either the letter or the spirit of
any laws or ethical standards." The Office of Congressional Ethics
declined to comment.
Car dealers are concerned about the legislative scuffling in
Washington because financing is a crucial profit center for them. New
car dealers often make modest margins on the sale of vehicles, but earn
substantial sums by arranging financing for car buyers. So-called
"after-market" income from financing, insurance and service contracts
produced roughly 60 percent of dealer profits from selling new cars in
2008, according to research by Raj Date of the Cambridge Winter Center for Financial Institutions Policy.
Former auto dealership workers who have spoken out in lawsuits and
interviews say that the push to pump up profits from financing and
add-ons leaves consumers vulnerable to a variety of questionable
practices.
The former dealership employee in Michigan, Matthew Manley, worked
as a sales manager at Patsy Lou
Buick-GMC-Chevrolet, a collection of dealerships in the Flint area
that are among the family business holdings of that city's former mayor
and first lady, Donald and Patsy Lou Williamson. On its website, the
dealership notes that it has "consistently ranked among the highest in
the nation for sales and customer satisfaction." Manley's lawsuit in
Genesee County Circuit Court claims that the dealership demoted him and
forced him out of his job after he reported the fraud to a
law-enforcement agency.
Frederic Champnella, an attorney who represents the dealership in
the case, said Manley's allegations of hidden fees being packed into
customers' loans have no basis in fact. "He has no evidence of this scam
being pulled on people," Champnella said. "Everything the person
bought, he or she signed for it." As for Manley's claim that a manager
used slurs in referring to the elderly and African Americans, Champnella
said, "It's just not true."
The former Arizona dealership staffer, Hector Maldonado, worked in
the auto financing department of Brown and Brown Chevrolet in Mesa, one of the
200-plus dealerships in the nation's largest auto megadealer, AutoNation
Inc. His lawsuit in Maricopa County Superior Court claimed that a
supervisor told other workers to "stay away" from him because he was "a
liability." Maldonado's attorney, Bill Hobson, said his client recently
decided to withdraw the lawsuit and pursue his complaint through the
Arizona attorney general's office, because he believes that's the best
way to ensure that something is done to stop the practices he's
concerned about.
In court papers, the company denies the allegations. Marc Cannon, an
AutoNation spokesman, said he couldn't comment directly on Maldonado's
claims, but said Maldonado's decision to drop his lawsuit "gives you
some insight" into the validity of his allegations. Cannon added that
the company takes complaints from customers or employees "very
seriously," often bringing in third parties to investigate their
concerns.
Since its founding in the mid-1990s by H. Wayne Huizenga, the empire
builder behind Blockbuster and Waste Management, Inc., AutoNation has
sold more than 7 million vehicles. It reported almost $10.8 billion in
revenues in 2009.
In addition to fighting lawsuits from customers and former employees
in several states in recent years, the Fort Lauderdale-headquartered
chain has also run afoul of government authorities in California. In
2001, AutoNation agreed to pay more than $2 million to settle a Los
Angeles District Attorney's Office investigation and a California
Department of Motor Vehicles lawsuit accusing its El Monte, Calif.,
Chevrolet outpost of subjecting more than 1,500 customers to what the
DMV described as "fraud, deceit and misrepresentation" in the sale and
leasing of new and used vehicles.
In March, another AutoNation dealership, Power Toyota Cerritos,
agreed to pay as much as $500,000 to settle an investigation by the
California Department of Motor Vehicles. The DMV alleged that the
dealership misled customers about whether they qualified for auto loans
and steered them into leases by falsely telling them that their lease
payments would apply toward the purchase of their vehicles.
Cannon, the AutoNation spokesman, said Power Toyota Cerritos customers
were not tricked into leases; they agreed to the transactions in
writing. "We didn't forge those signatures," he said. "We didn't make it
up." He said the company settled the case because it wanted to put the
matter behind and "get on with life."
Cannon said one of the auto industry's problems is "sue-happy"
attorneys who play on the myth "that car dealers are always out to screw
people and the dealer is the bad guy."
In contrast to that image, he said, AutoNation works hard to make
sure that customers understand what they're getting. "We've been a
leader in full disclosure," he said. "Our customer satisfaction is over
90 percent. It wouldn't be that high if we weren't doing something
right."
In addition to California, Florida has also been host to a large
volume of litigation against auto dealerships.
In Palm Beach County, five former employees of Belle Glade Chevrolet
claim they were fired after they refused to participate in illegal
activities at the dealership. Their lawsuit in the local Circuit Court
alleges that the dealership took money for repair warranties and
insurance but never purchased the add-ons for the customers. In
addition, the suit claims that Belle Glade Chevy's owner used
razzle-dazzle to fool banks that provided financing for the dealership
into thinking it had more inventory than it really did - shuffling cars
back and forth from one affiliated sales lot to another, so that some
vehicles got counted more than once.
The ex-employees' attorney, Michael Stauder, said a judge has
ordered the case into arbitration, based on standard employment
contracts that require that disputes be heard by an arbitrator. The
dealership's management did not return calls seeking comment on the
case. On its website, the dealership's ownership group says it goes to
great lengths to ensure that customers aren't subjected to "high
pressure" salesmanship and know what they're getting: "Our prices are
clearly marked on the windshield for you to see, not on a sheet of paper
in the sales person's back pocket."
Among the Florida car lots that have faced allegations of fraud are a
chain of dealerships controlled by U.S. Rep. Vernon Buchanan, a Florida
Republican that OpenSecrets.org ranks as one of the wealthiest members
of Congress.
Timothy Thornton, a former finance and insurance manager at Buchanan
Automotive's Suncoast Ford, claims in a lawsuit that the dealership's
sales desk "frequently and systematically" falsified the income on
customers' credit applications, creating fake W-2 and 1040 tax forms.
The suit claims customers were usually unaware of these and other
falsifications because dealership employees forged loan applicants'
signatures on contracts, credit applications and other documents.
Joe David Kezer, a former finance director at Buchanan Automotive's
Sarasota Ford, alleges that the dealership used false information to
qualify "customers who were less than credit-worthy" and "power booked"
used cars, "listing options and equipment that were not in fact on the
car for the purpose of increasing the loan value." Kezer's lawsuit,
filed in Sarasota County Circuit Court, says some lenders were aware of
the fraudulent applications, but approved them anyway because the
dealership provided them up-front payments ranging from $95 to $4,000
per deal. These bank fees were not disclosed to customers, Kezer
alleges.
Douglas Lyons, a consumer attorney who represents Kezer and other
former Buchanan Automotive employees, said a judge has ordered Kezer's
case into arbitration, and Thornton's case is still pending in Pasco
County Circuit Court.
Spokespeople for Buchanan's company and his congressional office
could not be reached for comment. When Kezer's case was filed in 2008, a
top official with Buchanan Automotive called his claim that the dealer
doctored official paperwork "a very false statement." In court filings,
Buchanan's attorney has said that a flurry of lawsuits targeted
at Buchanan's dealerships were part of a smear campaign against
Buchanan. In response to Thornton's lawsuit, a spokesman told the Sarasota Herald-Tribune
that "Vern is busy being a congressman, and this is a corporate matter,"
adding that Thornton's case was "just another in a series of
politically-timed lawsuits."
Staff writer Joe Eaton contributed to this article.
Trump and Musk are on an unconstitutional rampage, aiming for virtually every corner of the federal government. These two right-wing billionaires are targeting nurses, scientists, teachers, daycare providers, judges, veterans, air traffic controllers, and nuclear safety inspectors. No one is safe. The food stamps program, Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid are next. It’s an unprecedented disaster and a five-alarm fire, but there will be a reckoning. The people did not vote for this. The American people do not want this dystopian hellscape that hides behind claims of “efficiency.” Still, in reality, it is all a giveaway to corporate interests and the libertarian dreams of far-right oligarchs like Musk. Common Dreams is playing a vital role by reporting day and night on this orgy of corruption and greed, as well as what everyday people can do to organize and fight back. As a people-powered nonprofit news outlet, we cover issues the corporate media never will, but we can only continue with our readers’ support. |
In Arizona, Hector Maldonado says he ran into trouble with his
bosses because he objected to what he claims was his employer's habit of
faking financial information to qualify customers for loans they
couldn't afford. One manager, Maldonado alleged in a lawsuit, cursed and
threatened him after he came forward with information documenting
dishonest lending practices.
In Michigan, Matthew Manley claims his coworkers saddled customers
with bigger loans by slipping unapproved charges into the deals. One
manager, Manley alleges in his own lawsuit, urged him to target
vulnerable customers - referring to the elderly as "people with oxygen
tanks" and African Americans as "the dumb blacks."
In the wake of the nation's mortgage meltdown, Maldonado and
Manley's allegations sound familiar. But the pair weren't employed in
the subprime mortgage business. They worked for car dealers.
They are among 20 former auto dealership insiders from Arizona,
California, Florida, Michigan, Illinois and Hawaii who describe a
culture in which forged documents, hidden fees and other questionable
practices were tools of the trade. These accounts, provided in court
records and in interviews with the Center for Public Integrity, paint an
unflattering portrait of the on-the-ground realities of auto financing.
The abuses alleged by the former insiders mirror some of the tactics
that gave the mortgage industry a bad name and prompted consumer
advocates and lawmakers to push for the creation of a federal consumer
financial protection agency. Now, as Senate and House negotiators try to come to
agreement on the final shape of a sweeping financial reform bill, car
dealers and their critics are clashing over whether the dealers should
be excused from oversight by the consumer-protection bureau.
Congressional negotiators are expected to take up the auto dealer
carve-out issue on Tuesday.
Car dealers arrange the financing for what for many Americans is
their largest or second-largest financial obligation. Consumer activists
say that the industry, which is increasingly led by an array of Wall
Street-traded "megadealer" chains, shouldn't be given a free pass from
stepped-up federal oversight. (See accompanying sidebar.)
Auto dealers and their defenders say that abuses in the industry are
rare. They note that they're already overseen by a myriad of state
agencies as well as the Federal Trade Commission, and say
that it would be unfair to force them to operate under yet another layer
of regulation.
Charles Cyrill, spokesman for the National
Automobile Dealers Association, said in a written statement to the
Center that comparing auto financing practices to the practices that led
to the mortgage meltdown is an exercise in myth-making. "Auto loans are
sound, based on due diligence, and do not pose systemic risk," he said.
"Unlike mortgages, auto finance did not experience a subprime lending
crisis and does not pose a systemic risk to the nation's financial
system. No one is talking about an 'auto bubble.'"
The battle over whether to exempt car dealers from the increased
federal regulation has been a contentious one, marked by a
multi-million-dollar lobbying blitz and, according to news reports, at
least one congressional ethics inquiry.
During 2009 and the first quarter of 2010, the National Automobile
Dealers Association and the American International Automobile Dealers
Association spent almost $3.5 million to lobby on financial reform and
other issues, according to congressional disclosure documents examined by the Center. NADA
represents more than 17,000 dealers; AIADA represents some 10,000 foreign-car
franchises.
California Republican Rep. John Campbell, a former auto dealer, was
the main force behind the auto dealer exemption from oversight by the
proposed consumer agency in the bill that passed the House. "He was
trying to support his buddies," said Lauren Weiner, a spokeswoman for
Americans for Financial Reform, a coalition advocating for strict
financial industry regulation. Since 2005, auto dealers have donated
$112,000 to Campbell's political campaigns, according to the Center for
Responsive Politics. Campbell's office did not immediately respond to
calls for comment.
In the Senate, Sam Brownback, a Kansas Republican, failed in his
effort to push through an amendment to carve out dealers from oversight,
but won a nonbinding resolution urging Senate negotiators to fight for
the exclusion when they meet with House members to finalize reform
legislation. Since 1998, auto dealers have donated more than $50,000 to
Brownback's campaigns.
The Hill has reported that the Office of
Congressional Ethics is looking into the actions of Rep. Melvin Watt, a
North Carolina Democrat, in connection with the jockeying over financial
reform's impact on car dealers. The newspaper reported that Watt
offered an amendment that would have narrowed car dealers' exemption
from oversight by the consumer finance protection agency, but then
pulled it on Dec. 11, two days after a group of corporate players -
including companies involved in auto financing - held a fundraiser for
him. Watt said in a statement that he was confident the
inquiry would find "no violation of either the letter or the spirit of
any laws or ethical standards." The Office of Congressional Ethics
declined to comment.
Car dealers are concerned about the legislative scuffling in
Washington because financing is a crucial profit center for them. New
car dealers often make modest margins on the sale of vehicles, but earn
substantial sums by arranging financing for car buyers. So-called
"after-market" income from financing, insurance and service contracts
produced roughly 60 percent of dealer profits from selling new cars in
2008, according to research by Raj Date of the Cambridge Winter Center for Financial Institutions Policy.
Former auto dealership workers who have spoken out in lawsuits and
interviews say that the push to pump up profits from financing and
add-ons leaves consumers vulnerable to a variety of questionable
practices.
The former dealership employee in Michigan, Matthew Manley, worked
as a sales manager at Patsy Lou
Buick-GMC-Chevrolet, a collection of dealerships in the Flint area
that are among the family business holdings of that city's former mayor
and first lady, Donald and Patsy Lou Williamson. On its website, the
dealership notes that it has "consistently ranked among the highest in
the nation for sales and customer satisfaction." Manley's lawsuit in
Genesee County Circuit Court claims that the dealership demoted him and
forced him out of his job after he reported the fraud to a
law-enforcement agency.
Frederic Champnella, an attorney who represents the dealership in
the case, said Manley's allegations of hidden fees being packed into
customers' loans have no basis in fact. "He has no evidence of this scam
being pulled on people," Champnella said. "Everything the person
bought, he or she signed for it." As for Manley's claim that a manager
used slurs in referring to the elderly and African Americans, Champnella
said, "It's just not true."
The former Arizona dealership staffer, Hector Maldonado, worked in
the auto financing department of Brown and Brown Chevrolet in Mesa, one of the
200-plus dealerships in the nation's largest auto megadealer, AutoNation
Inc. His lawsuit in Maricopa County Superior Court claimed that a
supervisor told other workers to "stay away" from him because he was "a
liability." Maldonado's attorney, Bill Hobson, said his client recently
decided to withdraw the lawsuit and pursue his complaint through the
Arizona attorney general's office, because he believes that's the best
way to ensure that something is done to stop the practices he's
concerned about.
In court papers, the company denies the allegations. Marc Cannon, an
AutoNation spokesman, said he couldn't comment directly on Maldonado's
claims, but said Maldonado's decision to drop his lawsuit "gives you
some insight" into the validity of his allegations. Cannon added that
the company takes complaints from customers or employees "very
seriously," often bringing in third parties to investigate their
concerns.
Since its founding in the mid-1990s by H. Wayne Huizenga, the empire
builder behind Blockbuster and Waste Management, Inc., AutoNation has
sold more than 7 million vehicles. It reported almost $10.8 billion in
revenues in 2009.
In addition to fighting lawsuits from customers and former employees
in several states in recent years, the Fort Lauderdale-headquartered
chain has also run afoul of government authorities in California. In
2001, AutoNation agreed to pay more than $2 million to settle a Los
Angeles District Attorney's Office investigation and a California
Department of Motor Vehicles lawsuit accusing its El Monte, Calif.,
Chevrolet outpost of subjecting more than 1,500 customers to what the
DMV described as "fraud, deceit and misrepresentation" in the sale and
leasing of new and used vehicles.
In March, another AutoNation dealership, Power Toyota Cerritos,
agreed to pay as much as $500,000 to settle an investigation by the
California Department of Motor Vehicles. The DMV alleged that the
dealership misled customers about whether they qualified for auto loans
and steered them into leases by falsely telling them that their lease
payments would apply toward the purchase of their vehicles.
Cannon, the AutoNation spokesman, said Power Toyota Cerritos customers
were not tricked into leases; they agreed to the transactions in
writing. "We didn't forge those signatures," he said. "We didn't make it
up." He said the company settled the case because it wanted to put the
matter behind and "get on with life."
Cannon said one of the auto industry's problems is "sue-happy"
attorneys who play on the myth "that car dealers are always out to screw
people and the dealer is the bad guy."
In contrast to that image, he said, AutoNation works hard to make
sure that customers understand what they're getting. "We've been a
leader in full disclosure," he said. "Our customer satisfaction is over
90 percent. It wouldn't be that high if we weren't doing something
right."
In addition to California, Florida has also been host to a large
volume of litigation against auto dealerships.
In Palm Beach County, five former employees of Belle Glade Chevrolet
claim they were fired after they refused to participate in illegal
activities at the dealership. Their lawsuit in the local Circuit Court
alleges that the dealership took money for repair warranties and
insurance but never purchased the add-ons for the customers. In
addition, the suit claims that Belle Glade Chevy's owner used
razzle-dazzle to fool banks that provided financing for the dealership
into thinking it had more inventory than it really did - shuffling cars
back and forth from one affiliated sales lot to another, so that some
vehicles got counted more than once.
The ex-employees' attorney, Michael Stauder, said a judge has
ordered the case into arbitration, based on standard employment
contracts that require that disputes be heard by an arbitrator. The
dealership's management did not return calls seeking comment on the
case. On its website, the dealership's ownership group says it goes to
great lengths to ensure that customers aren't subjected to "high
pressure" salesmanship and know what they're getting: "Our prices are
clearly marked on the windshield for you to see, not on a sheet of paper
in the sales person's back pocket."
Among the Florida car lots that have faced allegations of fraud are a
chain of dealerships controlled by U.S. Rep. Vernon Buchanan, a Florida
Republican that OpenSecrets.org ranks as one of the wealthiest members
of Congress.
Timothy Thornton, a former finance and insurance manager at Buchanan
Automotive's Suncoast Ford, claims in a lawsuit that the dealership's
sales desk "frequently and systematically" falsified the income on
customers' credit applications, creating fake W-2 and 1040 tax forms.
The suit claims customers were usually unaware of these and other
falsifications because dealership employees forged loan applicants'
signatures on contracts, credit applications and other documents.
Joe David Kezer, a former finance director at Buchanan Automotive's
Sarasota Ford, alleges that the dealership used false information to
qualify "customers who were less than credit-worthy" and "power booked"
used cars, "listing options and equipment that were not in fact on the
car for the purpose of increasing the loan value." Kezer's lawsuit,
filed in Sarasota County Circuit Court, says some lenders were aware of
the fraudulent applications, but approved them anyway because the
dealership provided them up-front payments ranging from $95 to $4,000
per deal. These bank fees were not disclosed to customers, Kezer
alleges.
Douglas Lyons, a consumer attorney who represents Kezer and other
former Buchanan Automotive employees, said a judge has ordered Kezer's
case into arbitration, and Thornton's case is still pending in Pasco
County Circuit Court.
Spokespeople for Buchanan's company and his congressional office
could not be reached for comment. When Kezer's case was filed in 2008, a
top official with Buchanan Automotive called his claim that the dealer
doctored official paperwork "a very false statement." In court filings,
Buchanan's attorney has said that a flurry of lawsuits targeted
at Buchanan's dealerships were part of a smear campaign against
Buchanan. In response to Thornton's lawsuit, a spokesman told the Sarasota Herald-Tribune
that "Vern is busy being a congressman, and this is a corporate matter,"
adding that Thornton's case was "just another in a series of
politically-timed lawsuits."
Staff writer Joe Eaton contributed to this article.
In Arizona, Hector Maldonado says he ran into trouble with his
bosses because he objected to what he claims was his employer's habit of
faking financial information to qualify customers for loans they
couldn't afford. One manager, Maldonado alleged in a lawsuit, cursed and
threatened him after he came forward with information documenting
dishonest lending practices.
In Michigan, Matthew Manley claims his coworkers saddled customers
with bigger loans by slipping unapproved charges into the deals. One
manager, Manley alleges in his own lawsuit, urged him to target
vulnerable customers - referring to the elderly as "people with oxygen
tanks" and African Americans as "the dumb blacks."
In the wake of the nation's mortgage meltdown, Maldonado and
Manley's allegations sound familiar. But the pair weren't employed in
the subprime mortgage business. They worked for car dealers.
They are among 20 former auto dealership insiders from Arizona,
California, Florida, Michigan, Illinois and Hawaii who describe a
culture in which forged documents, hidden fees and other questionable
practices were tools of the trade. These accounts, provided in court
records and in interviews with the Center for Public Integrity, paint an
unflattering portrait of the on-the-ground realities of auto financing.
The abuses alleged by the former insiders mirror some of the tactics
that gave the mortgage industry a bad name and prompted consumer
advocates and lawmakers to push for the creation of a federal consumer
financial protection agency. Now, as Senate and House negotiators try to come to
agreement on the final shape of a sweeping financial reform bill, car
dealers and their critics are clashing over whether the dealers should
be excused from oversight by the consumer-protection bureau.
Congressional negotiators are expected to take up the auto dealer
carve-out issue on Tuesday.
Car dealers arrange the financing for what for many Americans is
their largest or second-largest financial obligation. Consumer activists
say that the industry, which is increasingly led by an array of Wall
Street-traded "megadealer" chains, shouldn't be given a free pass from
stepped-up federal oversight. (See accompanying sidebar.)
Auto dealers and their defenders say that abuses in the industry are
rare. They note that they're already overseen by a myriad of state
agencies as well as the Federal Trade Commission, and say
that it would be unfair to force them to operate under yet another layer
of regulation.
Charles Cyrill, spokesman for the National
Automobile Dealers Association, said in a written statement to the
Center that comparing auto financing practices to the practices that led
to the mortgage meltdown is an exercise in myth-making. "Auto loans are
sound, based on due diligence, and do not pose systemic risk," he said.
"Unlike mortgages, auto finance did not experience a subprime lending
crisis and does not pose a systemic risk to the nation's financial
system. No one is talking about an 'auto bubble.'"
The battle over whether to exempt car dealers from the increased
federal regulation has been a contentious one, marked by a
multi-million-dollar lobbying blitz and, according to news reports, at
least one congressional ethics inquiry.
During 2009 and the first quarter of 2010, the National Automobile
Dealers Association and the American International Automobile Dealers
Association spent almost $3.5 million to lobby on financial reform and
other issues, according to congressional disclosure documents examined by the Center. NADA
represents more than 17,000 dealers; AIADA represents some 10,000 foreign-car
franchises.
California Republican Rep. John Campbell, a former auto dealer, was
the main force behind the auto dealer exemption from oversight by the
proposed consumer agency in the bill that passed the House. "He was
trying to support his buddies," said Lauren Weiner, a spokeswoman for
Americans for Financial Reform, a coalition advocating for strict
financial industry regulation. Since 2005, auto dealers have donated
$112,000 to Campbell's political campaigns, according to the Center for
Responsive Politics. Campbell's office did not immediately respond to
calls for comment.
In the Senate, Sam Brownback, a Kansas Republican, failed in his
effort to push through an amendment to carve out dealers from oversight,
but won a nonbinding resolution urging Senate negotiators to fight for
the exclusion when they meet with House members to finalize reform
legislation. Since 1998, auto dealers have donated more than $50,000 to
Brownback's campaigns.
The Hill has reported that the Office of
Congressional Ethics is looking into the actions of Rep. Melvin Watt, a
North Carolina Democrat, in connection with the jockeying over financial
reform's impact on car dealers. The newspaper reported that Watt
offered an amendment that would have narrowed car dealers' exemption
from oversight by the consumer finance protection agency, but then
pulled it on Dec. 11, two days after a group of corporate players -
including companies involved in auto financing - held a fundraiser for
him. Watt said in a statement that he was confident the
inquiry would find "no violation of either the letter or the spirit of
any laws or ethical standards." The Office of Congressional Ethics
declined to comment.
Car dealers are concerned about the legislative scuffling in
Washington because financing is a crucial profit center for them. New
car dealers often make modest margins on the sale of vehicles, but earn
substantial sums by arranging financing for car buyers. So-called
"after-market" income from financing, insurance and service contracts
produced roughly 60 percent of dealer profits from selling new cars in
2008, according to research by Raj Date of the Cambridge Winter Center for Financial Institutions Policy.
Former auto dealership workers who have spoken out in lawsuits and
interviews say that the push to pump up profits from financing and
add-ons leaves consumers vulnerable to a variety of questionable
practices.
The former dealership employee in Michigan, Matthew Manley, worked
as a sales manager at Patsy Lou
Buick-GMC-Chevrolet, a collection of dealerships in the Flint area
that are among the family business holdings of that city's former mayor
and first lady, Donald and Patsy Lou Williamson. On its website, the
dealership notes that it has "consistently ranked among the highest in
the nation for sales and customer satisfaction." Manley's lawsuit in
Genesee County Circuit Court claims that the dealership demoted him and
forced him out of his job after he reported the fraud to a
law-enforcement agency.
Frederic Champnella, an attorney who represents the dealership in
the case, said Manley's allegations of hidden fees being packed into
customers' loans have no basis in fact. "He has no evidence of this scam
being pulled on people," Champnella said. "Everything the person
bought, he or she signed for it." As for Manley's claim that a manager
used slurs in referring to the elderly and African Americans, Champnella
said, "It's just not true."
The former Arizona dealership staffer, Hector Maldonado, worked in
the auto financing department of Brown and Brown Chevrolet in Mesa, one of the
200-plus dealerships in the nation's largest auto megadealer, AutoNation
Inc. His lawsuit in Maricopa County Superior Court claimed that a
supervisor told other workers to "stay away" from him because he was "a
liability." Maldonado's attorney, Bill Hobson, said his client recently
decided to withdraw the lawsuit and pursue his complaint through the
Arizona attorney general's office, because he believes that's the best
way to ensure that something is done to stop the practices he's
concerned about.
In court papers, the company denies the allegations. Marc Cannon, an
AutoNation spokesman, said he couldn't comment directly on Maldonado's
claims, but said Maldonado's decision to drop his lawsuit "gives you
some insight" into the validity of his allegations. Cannon added that
the company takes complaints from customers or employees "very
seriously," often bringing in third parties to investigate their
concerns.
Since its founding in the mid-1990s by H. Wayne Huizenga, the empire
builder behind Blockbuster and Waste Management, Inc., AutoNation has
sold more than 7 million vehicles. It reported almost $10.8 billion in
revenues in 2009.
In addition to fighting lawsuits from customers and former employees
in several states in recent years, the Fort Lauderdale-headquartered
chain has also run afoul of government authorities in California. In
2001, AutoNation agreed to pay more than $2 million to settle a Los
Angeles District Attorney's Office investigation and a California
Department of Motor Vehicles lawsuit accusing its El Monte, Calif.,
Chevrolet outpost of subjecting more than 1,500 customers to what the
DMV described as "fraud, deceit and misrepresentation" in the sale and
leasing of new and used vehicles.
In March, another AutoNation dealership, Power Toyota Cerritos,
agreed to pay as much as $500,000 to settle an investigation by the
California Department of Motor Vehicles. The DMV alleged that the
dealership misled customers about whether they qualified for auto loans
and steered them into leases by falsely telling them that their lease
payments would apply toward the purchase of their vehicles.
Cannon, the AutoNation spokesman, said Power Toyota Cerritos customers
were not tricked into leases; they agreed to the transactions in
writing. "We didn't forge those signatures," he said. "We didn't make it
up." He said the company settled the case because it wanted to put the
matter behind and "get on with life."
Cannon said one of the auto industry's problems is "sue-happy"
attorneys who play on the myth "that car dealers are always out to screw
people and the dealer is the bad guy."
In contrast to that image, he said, AutoNation works hard to make
sure that customers understand what they're getting. "We've been a
leader in full disclosure," he said. "Our customer satisfaction is over
90 percent. It wouldn't be that high if we weren't doing something
right."
In addition to California, Florida has also been host to a large
volume of litigation against auto dealerships.
In Palm Beach County, five former employees of Belle Glade Chevrolet
claim they were fired after they refused to participate in illegal
activities at the dealership. Their lawsuit in the local Circuit Court
alleges that the dealership took money for repair warranties and
insurance but never purchased the add-ons for the customers. In
addition, the suit claims that Belle Glade Chevy's owner used
razzle-dazzle to fool banks that provided financing for the dealership
into thinking it had more inventory than it really did - shuffling cars
back and forth from one affiliated sales lot to another, so that some
vehicles got counted more than once.
The ex-employees' attorney, Michael Stauder, said a judge has
ordered the case into arbitration, based on standard employment
contracts that require that disputes be heard by an arbitrator. The
dealership's management did not return calls seeking comment on the
case. On its website, the dealership's ownership group says it goes to
great lengths to ensure that customers aren't subjected to "high
pressure" salesmanship and know what they're getting: "Our prices are
clearly marked on the windshield for you to see, not on a sheet of paper
in the sales person's back pocket."
Among the Florida car lots that have faced allegations of fraud are a
chain of dealerships controlled by U.S. Rep. Vernon Buchanan, a Florida
Republican that OpenSecrets.org ranks as one of the wealthiest members
of Congress.
Timothy Thornton, a former finance and insurance manager at Buchanan
Automotive's Suncoast Ford, claims in a lawsuit that the dealership's
sales desk "frequently and systematically" falsified the income on
customers' credit applications, creating fake W-2 and 1040 tax forms.
The suit claims customers were usually unaware of these and other
falsifications because dealership employees forged loan applicants'
signatures on contracts, credit applications and other documents.
Joe David Kezer, a former finance director at Buchanan Automotive's
Sarasota Ford, alleges that the dealership used false information to
qualify "customers who were less than credit-worthy" and "power booked"
used cars, "listing options and equipment that were not in fact on the
car for the purpose of increasing the loan value." Kezer's lawsuit,
filed in Sarasota County Circuit Court, says some lenders were aware of
the fraudulent applications, but approved them anyway because the
dealership provided them up-front payments ranging from $95 to $4,000
per deal. These bank fees were not disclosed to customers, Kezer
alleges.
Douglas Lyons, a consumer attorney who represents Kezer and other
former Buchanan Automotive employees, said a judge has ordered Kezer's
case into arbitration, and Thornton's case is still pending in Pasco
County Circuit Court.
Spokespeople for Buchanan's company and his congressional office
could not be reached for comment. When Kezer's case was filed in 2008, a
top official with Buchanan Automotive called his claim that the dealer
doctored official paperwork "a very false statement." In court filings,
Buchanan's attorney has said that a flurry of lawsuits targeted
at Buchanan's dealerships were part of a smear campaign against
Buchanan. In response to Thornton's lawsuit, a spokesman told the Sarasota Herald-Tribune
that "Vern is busy being a congressman, and this is a corporate matter,"
adding that Thornton's case was "just another in a series of
politically-timed lawsuits."
Staff writer Joe Eaton contributed to this article.
