

SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.


Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
NAFTA, the free trade agreement between Canada, the USA, and Mexico that went into effect in 1994, was the first trade agreement among developed countries to include an investor-state provision (ISDS). This provision grants investors on the continent the right to sue one another's governments without first pursuing legal action through the country's legal system. Before NAFTA, ISDS provisions were only negotiated between developed and undeveloped countries.
As a result of NAFTA's ISDS challenges, Canada is now the most sued developed country in the world. Canada has been sued more times than either the U.S. or Mexico. Of the 77 known NAFTA investor-state claims, 35 have been against Canada, 22 have targeted Mexico and 20 have targeted the US. The US government has won 11 of its cases and never lost a NAFTA investor-state case or paid any compensation to Canadian or Mexican companies.

This is evidence that even though trade agreements appear to treat all parties equally, the more powerful countries are usually more immune to trade challenges.
Canada has paid American corporations more than $200 million (approximately EUR135 million) in the seven cases it has lost and foreign investors are now seeking over $6 billion (approximately EUR4 billion) from the Canadian government in new cases. Even defending cases that may not be successful is expensive. Canada has spent over $65 million (approximately EUR45 million) defending itself from NAFTA challenges.
The Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives reports that almost two-thirds of claims against Canada involved environmental protection or resources management challenges that allegedly interfered with American corporations' profit.
Cases include:
These, and other examples show that trade and investment agreements such as NAFTA give transnational corporations incredible new rights to impose their will on governments. But they are probably just the tip of the iceberg because many new laws or changes to laws never come to light because of the "chill effect" of prior restraint. The Canadian government adopted a new policy soon after NAFTA was adopted whereby all new laws and any changes to existing laws have to be vetted by trade experts to ensure they are not challengeable under ISDS rules.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
NAFTA, the free trade agreement between Canada, the USA, and Mexico that went into effect in 1994, was the first trade agreement among developed countries to include an investor-state provision (ISDS). This provision grants investors on the continent the right to sue one another's governments without first pursuing legal action through the country's legal system. Before NAFTA, ISDS provisions were only negotiated between developed and undeveloped countries.
As a result of NAFTA's ISDS challenges, Canada is now the most sued developed country in the world. Canada has been sued more times than either the U.S. or Mexico. Of the 77 known NAFTA investor-state claims, 35 have been against Canada, 22 have targeted Mexico and 20 have targeted the US. The US government has won 11 of its cases and never lost a NAFTA investor-state case or paid any compensation to Canadian or Mexican companies.

This is evidence that even though trade agreements appear to treat all parties equally, the more powerful countries are usually more immune to trade challenges.
Canada has paid American corporations more than $200 million (approximately EUR135 million) in the seven cases it has lost and foreign investors are now seeking over $6 billion (approximately EUR4 billion) from the Canadian government in new cases. Even defending cases that may not be successful is expensive. Canada has spent over $65 million (approximately EUR45 million) defending itself from NAFTA challenges.
The Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives reports that almost two-thirds of claims against Canada involved environmental protection or resources management challenges that allegedly interfered with American corporations' profit.
Cases include:
These, and other examples show that trade and investment agreements such as NAFTA give transnational corporations incredible new rights to impose their will on governments. But they are probably just the tip of the iceberg because many new laws or changes to laws never come to light because of the "chill effect" of prior restraint. The Canadian government adopted a new policy soon after NAFTA was adopted whereby all new laws and any changes to existing laws have to be vetted by trade experts to ensure they are not challengeable under ISDS rules.
NAFTA, the free trade agreement between Canada, the USA, and Mexico that went into effect in 1994, was the first trade agreement among developed countries to include an investor-state provision (ISDS). This provision grants investors on the continent the right to sue one another's governments without first pursuing legal action through the country's legal system. Before NAFTA, ISDS provisions were only negotiated between developed and undeveloped countries.
As a result of NAFTA's ISDS challenges, Canada is now the most sued developed country in the world. Canada has been sued more times than either the U.S. or Mexico. Of the 77 known NAFTA investor-state claims, 35 have been against Canada, 22 have targeted Mexico and 20 have targeted the US. The US government has won 11 of its cases and never lost a NAFTA investor-state case or paid any compensation to Canadian or Mexican companies.

This is evidence that even though trade agreements appear to treat all parties equally, the more powerful countries are usually more immune to trade challenges.
Canada has paid American corporations more than $200 million (approximately EUR135 million) in the seven cases it has lost and foreign investors are now seeking over $6 billion (approximately EUR4 billion) from the Canadian government in new cases. Even defending cases that may not be successful is expensive. Canada has spent over $65 million (approximately EUR45 million) defending itself from NAFTA challenges.
The Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives reports that almost two-thirds of claims against Canada involved environmental protection or resources management challenges that allegedly interfered with American corporations' profit.
Cases include:
These, and other examples show that trade and investment agreements such as NAFTA give transnational corporations incredible new rights to impose their will on governments. But they are probably just the tip of the iceberg because many new laws or changes to laws never come to light because of the "chill effect" of prior restraint. The Canadian government adopted a new policy soon after NAFTA was adopted whereby all new laws and any changes to existing laws have to be vetted by trade experts to ensure they are not challengeable under ISDS rules.