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We didn’t march 25-years ago because we wanted to. We marched because we had to—children were dying. They still are.
I’d never seen anything like it: a mother standing quietly in the crowd, wearing a plain white T-shirt with a large photo of a young boy flashing a wide grin, a missing front tooth, and a superhero logo across his chest. Below the picture, in simple black letters, “Darius Carter 1993-1999 Forever Six.”
She was living my worst nightmare, her beautiful six-year-old son had been shot and killed. And there she was, surrounded by thousands of other moms wearing similar shirts, refusing to let her son be forgotten.
We were just feet from the massive, bright pink-and-white Million Mom March stage on the National Mall in Washington, D.C., listening to speakers demand Congress pass common sense gun laws. It was Mother’s Day 2000—25 years ago.
Darius’ mom and I stood among 750,000 parents, grandparents, and children holding signs, wearing Million Mom March shirts, and carrying photos of loved ones lost to gun violence. Across the country, hundreds of sister marches rose up in solidarity. For many, like me, it was our first protest.
Twenty-five years ago, we marched because we believed a safer world was possible.
But the Million Mom March was more than a protest. It was a collective outcry—stitched together by grief, fueled by hope, and driven by one belief: no child should die by gun violence. With Congress failing to act, mothers across the country rose up— angry, determined, demanding change.
I never imagined I would become an activist. But on April 20, 1999, I sat frozen in front of my TV, heart pounding, as the unthinkable unfolded at Columbine High School—my alma mater. My basketball coach, Dave Sanders, was killed along with twelve students.
Something inside me broke.
I went from a stay-at-home mom with a six- and two-year-old, juggling diapers, nap schedules, and tantrums, to a gun control activist with a new sense of purpose. The following year I organized and led a delegation from Oregon to the D.C. march.
The Million Mom March was a tipping point. It sparked national conversations about gun laws and helped launch a lasting movement—it later merged with the Brady Campaign, amplifying the call for reform. The march also introduced life-saving initiatives like the ASK (Asking Saves Kids) campaign, which urges parents to ask one critical question before their child visits a friend’s home: Is there an unlocked gun in the house? It’s a simple question that can prevent tragedy. Each year, unintentional shootings injure or kill an average of 363 children in the U.S.
In the 25-years since, the movement—propelled by that day on the National Mall—has helped reshaped the fight for gun safety in America. It ignited one of the first large-scale grassroots campaigns, led to the formation of Brady Campaign chapters, and paved the way for groups like Moms Demand Action. It also spurred a wave of state-level reforms: dozens of states passed child access prevention laws, expanded background checks, and enacted red flag laws—one of our most promising tools for temporarily removing firearms from individuals who pose a danger to themselves or others.
Despite the progress, the crisis has grown worse. In 2000, about 28,000 people died from gun-related injuries in the U.S.—a staggering number. Today, it’s soared to over 48,000 per year—132 lives taken every day. Gun violence is now the leading cause of death for children and teens in America, surpassing car crashes, drownings, and cancer.
So what happened? Political courage withered and the gun lobby adapted.
They pushed through PLCCA, granting themselves sweeping immunity from lawsuits. They blocked federal funding for gun violence research. And in 2008, they won a Supreme Court ruling that redefined the Second Amendment as an individual right and struck down local gun safety laws.
The COVID-19 pandemic certainly didn’t help. It created a perfect storm: fear, isolation, distrust of government, and economic insecurity, all of which led to record-breaking gun sales. Millions of first-time gun buyers flooded the market, many without proper safety training. The gun industry profited from the fear, and communities are still paying the price.
Meanwhile, untraceable ghost guns flooded our communities, and leaders in many states chose to weaken gun laws rather than strengthen them. The gun industry seized the moment, expanding its appeal.
Twenty-five years ago, the typical gun buyer was a middle-aged man, and gun ownership was in decline. Today, the industry aggressively markets to women, young adults, and even parents—selling pink pistols to moms and tactical diaper bags to dads—casting gun ownership as a form of family empowerment. As sales rose, so did deaths.
So what now? We march again—in new ways, in new places, with the same resolve.
First, we confront the gun industry’s false promises to women and families. Marketing isn’t the problem; it’s the deadly narrative that owning a gun makes your home safer. It simply doesn’t. Research shows that a gun in the home increases the risk of homicide by 100%, suicide by 50%, and unintentional death significantly. I’ve witnessed how quickly an unsecured gun can turn a moment of fear, anger, or despair into an irreversible tragedy.
Second, we shift the national conversation from gun rights to gun responsibilities. Rights come with duties. An unsecured gun doesn’t just put your family at risk—it endangers neighbors, classmates, and entire communities. Only about 6% of guns used in crimes are stolen, yet those guns are far more likely to be used in violent crimes. And nearly 74% of school shooters under 18 got their gun from home or a relative. These aren’t just tragedies, they’re preventable. Responsible gun owners lock up their firearms, store ammunition separately, and support common-sense policies like mandatory reporting of lost or stolen guns, child access prevention laws, and required training. Supporting background checks and red flag laws isn’t anti-gun, it’s pro-responsibility.
Third, gun violence groups must work together.
In 2000, there was one widely recognized national organization: the Brady Campaign. Today there are many, but they often compete for funding, attention, and influence. It’s time to align, collaborate, and focus our collective energy against a fractured gun lobby whose primary strategy remains fear and bravado. Only by working together can we create sustained lasting change.
Finally, we must elevate and invest in the next generation of activists. Today’s young people have grown up with lockdowns and active shooter drills. They understand the stakes—viscerally. Their leadership was undeniable after the 2018 Parkland shooting, when survivors organized March for Our Lives, one of the largest single-day protests in U.S. history. Those of us who marched in 2000 must now step up and mentor, resource, and amplify this rising generation. Our kids’ lives depend on it.
Twenty-five years ago, we marched because we believed a safer world was possible. I often think of Carole Price, who bravely stood on stage that day and told us about her 13-year-old son, John—shot and killed while playing at a friend’s house. “It never occurred to me to ask about guns,” she said. “I wish I had asked the question.” Then she said something I’ll never forget: “It might be uncomfortable to ask the question. But I can tell you from personal experience, it’s a lot more uncomfortable to pick out a casket for your child.”
Even now—despite the setbacks, the rising death toll, and the political paralysis—I still believe. I believe in this next generation, in the power of parents and survivors, and in ordinary people who refuse to look away. We didn’t march 25-years ago because we wanted to. We marched because we had to—children were dying. They still are.
So we keep going. Because really, what other choice do we have?
A genocide backed by economic interests is a big problem involving powerful actors. However, many people are taking action to affect the status quo.
Six months ago, a United Nations Special Committee found that Israel’s warfare methods in Gaza were consistent with genocide. The UN defines genocide as “acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group.” The Special Committee pointed to the fact that Israel had dropped over 25,000 tonnes of explosives—equivalent to two nuclear bombs—on Gaza in just four months. Interference with humanitarian aid, leading to starvation, was another atrocity. The Committee stated, “By destroying vital water, sanitation, and food systems, and contaminating the environment, Israel has created a lethal mix of crises that will inflict severe harm on generations to come.”
Disapproval amongst Americans is growing. Yet the U.S. government continues to provide Israel with billions of taxpayer dollars of military aid per year. The ultimate recipient of this aid isn’t Israel; it’s the U.S. defense industry. More specifically, it’s the individuals who benefit from the industry’s growth.
Millionaire CEOs benefit from the consumption of military goods and services that, so far, have enabled the killing of well over 50,000 people—nearly a third of them under 18. Lobbying and campaign contributions help ensure that their profits increase. It’s a vicious cycle that only a society obsessed with growth could stomach.
In their horrific October 7, 2023, attack, Hamas killed more than 1,200 Israelis and foreign nationals and took 251 hostages. Even before this attack, many nations designated Hamas as a terrorist organization dedicated to Israel’s destruction. They cite its charter and longstanding tactics of suicide bombings, indiscriminate rocket fire, and the use of human shields.
Yet Hamas’s actions have been eclipsed in the minds of many Americans by the scenes of devastation streaming from Gaza. More Americans think the United States is providing too much military aid to Israel (34%) than not enough aid (17%) or the right amount (26%). Democrats and Republicans alike are trending toward less favorable views of the war and the United States’s involvement. Still, a majority of Republicans support maintaining or increasing military aid to Israel, which makes the Trump administration’s approach unsurprising.
The same can’t be said for the preceding Biden administration or the Harris campaign. A strong majority of Democratic voters think the U.S. should stop weapons shipments to Israel. Why, then, did Biden allocate over $23 billion in taxes to that end? And why didn’t the Harris campaign, desperate for votes, promise to halt the controversial military aid?
Many complex factors influence the United States’ relationship with Israel. The Middle East is a critical fossil-fuel producer. There are an estimated three billion barrels of oil beneath and off the coast of Palestinian lands. The United States may also be motivated to match Russia’s recent relationship-building in the region. We would be remiss, however, not to acknowledge the influence of the entities cashing the military-aid check: U.S. defense corporations, such as Boeing, General Dynamics, and Lockheed Martin.
Ecological limits to growth are certainly at play as a driver of Israel’s conflict. In addition to attracting global interests for its fossil-fuel reserves, the region lacks sufficient water and arable land to sustainably support its dense and growing population. However, this story is more about the social consequences of the neoliberal economic-growth model and the actors that drive it.
Virtually every industry exploits someone to grow beyond local resource limits, but the defense industry deserves unique scrutiny. For one thing, violent death is a particularly heinous breed of exploitation. For another, the government is especially committed to the defense industry’s growth. It sees growth as the only way to maintain “military primacy,” the long-time top priority of U.S. foreign policy.
Since its founding, Israel has received more U.S. aid than any other country, at $310 billion. The next biggest aid recipient, Egypt, has received just over half that much ($168 billion). The vast majority of the $310 billion is military, as opposed to economic, aid.
It is one matter to support a strategic ally in defending itself from hostile neighbors. It is quite another matter to provide 23 billion taxpayer dollars as your ally’s “defense” morphs into a genocide. To put that figure into perspective, the United States committed a total of $79 billion in foreign assistance in 2023. A quarter of that was military aid. The rest was economic aid (which the Trump administration has since eviscerated).
Israel is unique in that it has historically been permitted to use some of its U.S. military aid on Israeli equipment and services. However, the United States is phasing out that privilege. It has required Israel to spend most of the aid provided since October 2023 on transactions with U.S. defense contractors. Adapting to these requirements, Israeli contractors have begun transferring personnel and capacities to the United States (contributing to U.S. military primacy). Large Israeli firms, such as Elbit Systems and UVision, have opened U.S. subsidiaries, but smaller arms makers lack the resources to start U.S. operations.
The UN Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs warned that “the conflict in Lebanon, coupled with intensified strikes in Syria and the raging violence in Gaza and the occupied West Bank, points to a region dangerously teetering on the brink of an all-out war.” Who would benefit from an all-out war in the Middle East? The same corporations benefiting from the conflict to date: a long list topped by Boeing, General Dynamics, Lockheed Martin, and RTX (formerly Raytheon and United Technologies).
Details about weapons provisions to Israel have been shrouded in secrecy, in contrast to less-controversial provisions to Ukraine. However, documentation of recent major arms sales helps paint a picture.
In August 2024, the Boeing Corporation received an $18.8 billion contract for F-15 fighter jets and related equipment. Boeing was the lead contractor for an additional $6.8 billion munitions package, approved by the State Department this February. These contracts are a lifeline for the company, which has seen financial losses for the last six years. Boeing’s Defense Space Security Segment accounted for a plurality of its revenue in 2024.
Also in February, General Dynamics, Ellwood National Forge Company, and McAlester Army Ammunition Plant were listed as the “prime” contractors on a $2 billion sale of over 35 thousand bomb bodies and four thousand “Penetrator” warheads. Unlike Boeing, General Dynamics is thriving. The company netted $3.8 billion in 2024, up 14 percent from 2023. At the outset of the conflict, the company’s executive vice president (who receives over $9 million in annual compensation) said, “You know, the Israel situation obviously is a terrible one…But I think if you look at the incremental demand potential coming out of that, the biggest one to highlight and that really sticks out is probably on the artillery side.”
We tend to accept corporate greed, as an inevitable evil or even a beneficial quality in a free market economy. A company’s primary responsibility is to its shareholders, after all. However, there are living, breathing human beings hiding behind these “corporate” norms.
Defense-industry managers and shareholders personally benefit from the production of goods and services used for genocide. To sleep at night, they might tell themselves that the deaths of 16 thousand children are collateral damage that’s unfortunate but necessary to stop Hamas. They probably even tell themselves that evolution means survival of the fittest, and they have no obligation to care.
Who are these people? Meet Boeing’s CEO, Kelly Ortberg. Boeing brought Ortberg on last year, inspired by his performance at Rockwell Collins, where he oversaw $9 billion in sales growth (thanks in part to acquisitions like Arinc). Ortberg has been tasked with pulling the company out of its financial slump and smoothing over safety-incident controversies. Boeing compensates him well for his troubles, to the tune of $18 million per year.
Ortberg’s estimated net worth of $26 million is chump change compared to the General Dynamics CEO’s net worth. In fact, Phebe Novakovic earned almost that much ($24 million) in 2024 alone, bringing her net worth to an estimated $450 million (up from just $150 million in 2020). Novakovic is the sixth highest-paid woman in the United States.
During a shareholder meeting, an activist confronted Novakovic about the company’s involvement with repressive dictatorships. The activist asserted that a Saudi-led coalition used General Dynamics’ products to bomb a marketplace in Yemen in 2016, killing 25 children and 75 additional civilians. Novakovic responded, “We can define and we can debate who is evil and who is not, but we do support the policy of the U.S. and I happen to believe…the policy of the U.S. is just and fair.”
RTX Corporation compensated its CEO, Christopher Calio, $18 million in 2024. Kathy Warden, Northrop Grumman’s CEO, and Jim Taiclet, Lockheed Martin’s CEO, were each compensated $24 million. This brought their net worths to an estimated $108 million and $84 million, respectively. It’s worth noting that a significant portion of these CEOs’ compensation—between 55 and 87 percent for the five CEOs mentioned—is in the form of stock and stock options in their companies. This incentivizes them to push for growth at all costs (even genocide), as growth often determines share prices.
These defense CEOs live private lives, so we cannot say whether they hoard their wealth or spend it on a luxurious lifestyle (evidence suggests millionaires usually do the latter). But make no mistake, they are disproportionately contributing to the drawdown of natural resources and the social infractions that inevitably accompany it. Every dollar “printed” into the economy is linked to environmental impact. Therefore, the impact of someone earning $20 million per year is almost 1,500 times bigger than that of the average global citizen. (This is the logic for capping salaries.)
Money is power, often wielded to influence policymakers and ensure further economic gains. Novakovic believes U.S. policy is “just and fair,” yet General Dynamics spent $15.6 million to influence it in 2024 ($12.2 on lobbying and $3.4 on campaign contributions). To smartly invest this money, the company employs 50 lobbyists (out of 77 total) who’ve previously held government jobs. They’ve even hired former congressman Jim Moran via his lobbying firm, Moran Global Strategies. Moran served as a Virginia representative for 24 years.
The defense sector spent a total of $149 million on lobbying and $43 million on campaign contributions in 2024 (Boeing, categorized under the transportation sector, spent $12 million and $6 million, respectively). Many other sectors, including health, transportation, and agribusiness, spent more than defense, cumulatively. However, some particularly big spenders characterize the defense sector. RTX, Lockheed Martin, and General Dynamics alone made up 26 percent of the sector’s lobbying, ranking 19, 21, and 22 out of all lobbying clients.
In the last Congress, the bill most frequently lobbied by both RTX and Lockheed Martin (General Dynamics was right on their heels) was the 2024 National Defense Authorization Act. It included several provisions to increase U.S. military aid to Israel, including $500 million for U.S.-Israel missile defense programs.
Companies that spent over $5 million on lobbying in 2024. The revolving door column displays the percentage of the company’s lobbyists who previously held government jobs. (OpenSecrets)
Lobbying money can go far with the right expertise. Over 60 percent of the defense sector’s 948 lobbyists used to hold government positions. This “revolving door” works both ways, as evidenced by reverse revolvers like Lloyd Austin. Before being appointed secretary of defense under the Biden administration, Austin earned seven figures from defense companies. Amongst these was United Technologies, which later merged into RTX. He also worked at Pine Island Capital Partners, a private equity firm that invests in defense companies and advertises its access to DC.
This is how unsustainable growth gets woven into the social fabric: one wealthy, powerful interest and one influenced policymaker at a time. Of course, defense-industry growth isn’t the only factor prompting the United States to support Israel. However, even the White House acknowledges it’s a special consideration. It justified a $92 billion emergency supplemental request that included support for Israel on the basis that it would make “significant and much needed investments in the American defense industrial base, benefitting U.S. military readiness and helping to create and sustain jobs in dozens of states across America.”
A genocide backed by economic interests is a big problem involving powerful actors. However, many people are taking action to affect the status quo. One approach that has gained momentum is to divest from defense corporations selling arms to Israel and encourage institutions to do the same. Since the start of the conflict, campus activists have successfully pressured several universities to take divestment action. These include the University of San Francisco, San Francisco State University, and Portland State University.
Another approach is to tell your political representatives to stop arming Israel with your tax dollars. This can be done individually or via a coalition. Last year, one coalition of over 75 organizations and another of 100 journalists called on politicians to “stop arming Israel.” Clearly, their success has been limited to date. However, a critical mass of grassroots lobbying is hard for elected representatives to ignore. At a certain scale, it may even outcompete the corporate lobbying of the defense sector.
This article first appeared at the Steady State Herald, a publication by the Center for the Advancement of the Steady State Economy (CASSE).
Nobody should be deceived: The wealthiest taxpayers got enormous tax breaks from Trump’s 2017 law and are getting additional large tax breaks in what Trump and Republicans are proposing now.
President Donald Trump has proposed extending all the temporary tax cuts he signed into law in 2017 with one (newly announced) exception—allowing the top rate to revert from 37% to 39.6% for taxable income greater than $5 million for married couples and $2.5 million for unmarried taxpayers. But many other special breaks in the tax code—some introduced by Trump’s 2017 tax law and many others that existed prior to it—would ensure that most income of very well-off people would never be subject to Trump’s 39.6% tax rate.
The very richest taxpayers broken out in IRS data are those with adjusted gross income (AGI) exceeding $10 million. Calculations using the most recent IRS data, which is for 2022, show that 85% of income from these extremely well-off taxpayers would not have been taxed at this higher rate, had it been in effect that year.
Of the $1.05 trillion in income reported by these taxpayers (who all reported at least $10 million), only $162 billion (15% of their total income) would have been subject to the 39.6% rate.
Another $176 billion (17% of their total income) would be taxed at a lower effective rate due to the 20% deduction for business income enacted as part of the 2017 tax law.
The vast majority of the income flowing to this group, $713 billion (68% of their total income) would not have been affected at all by Trump’s 39.6% rate. Most of this income is long-term capital gains and qualified dividends that have long been taxed at special, lower rates enacted under former President George W. Bush. It would be difficult for Congress to ever adequately tax extremely well-off people without reforming these and other special tax breaks for capital gains and dividends.
The 68% of income for these taxpayers that would not be subject to the 39.6% rate also includes income taxed at ordinary rates in brackets below the proposed 39.6% bracket. In addition, it includes income that is not taxable because of various deductions, like the deduction for charitable giving.
Had this proposal been in effect in 2022, the total additional tax paid by people with AGI exceeding $10 million would have been less than $8 billion.* The overall cost of extending the 2017 tax cuts, plus many new cuts that Trump and his supporters in Congress are considering, would cost orders of magnitude more than that.
In some ways, very well-off people are even more shielded from Trump’s proposed top rate than is illustrated in these figures. They have vast amounts of income that they are not required to report to the IRS, which are not included in this data and which are exempt from taxes under federal law. Most importantly, a wealthy person’s increase in net worth due to appreciation of assets is capital gain income that is not taxed until the assets are sold and the capital gains are “realized” as profits.
The corporate tax cuts enacted as part of the 2017 law mainly helped these taxpayers by increasing the value of their stocks, meaning they likely benefited from increased unrealized capital gains not reported in this data. The drafters of the 2017 law made those corporate income tax cuts permanent, unlike the personal income tax cuts and estate tax cuts that are temporary and being debated now as they near expiration. It will be difficult to adequately tax extremely well-off taxpayers without revisiting and reversing some of these corporate income tax cuts.
All else equal, it would be slightly better to let the top tax rate revert to 2017 levels as Trump suggests. But nobody should be deceived: The wealthiest taxpayers got enormous tax breaks from Trump’s 2017 law and are getting additional large tax breaks in what Trump and Republicans are proposing now. We need legislation that requires rich people to pay more taxes, not less. The Republican legislation will do the opposite, regardless of whether or not Congress includes this latest suggestion from Donald Trump.
*The revenue generated by a 39.6% rate compared to a 37% rate would be 2.6% of whatever taxable income is affected. As explained, only $162 billion of income for these taxpayers would have been entirely subject to the 39.6% rate, and 2.6% of $162 billion yields $4.2 billion. As explained, another $176 billion would have been subject to the 39.6% rate but because of the 20% deduction for pass-through business income, the revenue saved would be 20% less, yielding $3.6 billion. The sum of the two amounts is $7.9 billion. A small but indeterminate amount of additional revenue would also be raised from taxpayers with AGI below $10 million.
The party is taking no chances on the upcoming plebiscite and has hatched a plan to rig all future federal elections with the goal of transforming the United States into a one-party state.
If you’re counting on the 2026 midterm elections to wrest control of U.S. Congress from the GOP, be forewarned.
The party is taking no chances on the upcoming plebiscite and has hatched a plan to rig all future federal elections with the goal of transforming the United States into a one-party state.
At the center of the plan is the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility Act, passed on April 10 by the House and pending before the Senate, and an executive order issued by President Donald Trump on March 25 with the Orwellian title of “Preserving and Protecting the Integrity of American Elections.” And looming in the background, with the final word on either measure’s constitutionality, is the Supreme Court, packed with three Trump appointees and holding a long and sorry record of hostility to voting rights.
All of this is happening step by step, setting the stage for what could turn out to be the final chapter for American democracy.
The SAVE Act would require all Americans to provide a birth certificate, passport, or some other documentary proof of citizenship in person every time they register or re-register to vote; require each state to take affirmative steps on an ongoing basis to ensure that only U.S. citizens are registered to vote; and remove noncitizens from their official voter lists. It would also create a private right of action, after the fashion of the Texas anti-abortion law, to allow disgruntled individuals to sue election officials who register voters without obtaining proof of citizenship and establish criminal penalties of up to five years in prison for election officials who violate the act.
Trump’s executive order is no less extreme. Among its directives is a mandate for the Election Assistance Commission, an independent nonpartisan agency created by Congress, to require voters to submit documentary proof of their citizenship when using national voter registration forms. It would also stop states from counting mailed-in ballots votes that are sent in by Election Day but are delivered afterward, require recertification of all state voting systems to meet new security standards set by the EAC, and halt election assistance funding to states that do not comply with the terms of the order within 180 days. Perhaps most alarming, the order would allow the Department of Government Efficiency and the Department of Homeland Security to subpoena state records and use federal databases to review state voter registration lists.
There is some good news amid the darkness. On April 24, federal district court Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly, a Clinton appointee who sits in Washington, D.C., issued a 120-page opinion and preliminary injunction, blocking the EAC from adding documentary proof of citizenship to the national voter registration form. “Our Constitution entrusts Congress and the states—not the president—with the authority to regulate federal elections,” Kollar-Kotelly wrote, holding that Trump’s order violated the separation of powers and referring to Article I, Section 4, Clause 1 of the Constitution, which states:
The Times, Places, and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing [original text] Senators.
But while voting-rights groups have praised Kollar-Kotelly’s opinion, the judge left the rest of the executive order in place. More concerning, the ruling did nothing to derail the SAVE Act. As the judge noted, “Consistent with [the separation of powers doctrine], Congress is currently debating legislation that would effect many of the changes the president purports to order.”
The dangers posed by the SAVE Act cannot be understated. According to a survey conducted by the Brennan Center and affiliated organizations, more than 9% of American voting-age citizens, or 21.3 million people, don’t have a passport, birth certificate, naturalization papers, or other proof of citizenship readily available. “Voters of color, voters who change their names (most notably, married women), and younger voters would be most significantly affected,” the Brennan Center has warned.
In an article posted after the House approved the act, Democracy Docket, the digital election news platform founded by attorney Marc Elias, featured the views of a group of distinguished historians and voting experts on the act.
“There’s never been an attack on voting rights out of Congress like this,” Alexander Keyssar, a professor of history and social policy at the Harvard Kennedy School, told the Docket. “It’s always been the federal government trying to keep states in check on voting rights, for the most part.”
“Congress has never passed a voter-suppression law like this before,” Sean Morales-Doyle, the director of the Brennan Center’s voting-rights program, said. “When it has exercised its power to regulate federal elections, Congress has usually done so to protect the freedom to vote. If this becomes law, it will be a new low for Congress.”
Princeton professor Sean Wilentz also weighed in with a dire assessment. “It’s the most extraordinary attack on voting rights in American history,” Wilentz said, characterizing the act as “the latest attempt to gut voting-rights advances that were made in the 1960s,” one more dangerous than the Jim Crow-era laws used in the South, because it is national in scope. “This is an attempt to destroy American democracy as we know it.”
All eyes now turn to the Senate, where Democrats have the power to filibuster the SAVE Act to prevent its passage unless 60 members vote to invoke cloture. Thus far, the Democrats seem to be holding the line, even in the face of persistent propaganda spewed by Trump, Elon Musk, and other Republicans that election fraud is rampant and that Democrats are “importing [undocumented] voters” to swing elections. In truth, of course, election fraud in the U.S. is miniscule, with some long-range state-by-state studies finding it occurs at rates between 0.0003% and 0.0025% of total votes cast.
Should any part of the SAVE Act pass and be signed into law, it will likely come before the Supreme Court, where its fate may turn on Chief Justice John Roberts, who along with Amy Coney Barrett, sometimes aligns with the panel’s liberals in big cases.
Roberts, however, has a long history of undermining voting rights that stretches back to his stint as a young lawyer in the Reagan administration and his role as a behind-the-scenes GOP consultant, lawsuit editor and prep coach for oral arguments before the Supreme Court in the run-up to Bush v. Gore, the case that decided the 2000 presidential election.
In 2013, as chief justice, he composed the disastrous majority opinion in Shelby County v. Holder, which gutted the Voting Rights Act. In 2019, he continued his anti-voting-rights crusade, writing the majority opinion Rucho v. Common Cause, which removed the issue of political gerrymandering (the practice of designing voting maps to benefit the party in power) from the jurisdiction of federal courts. And in 2021, he joined a 5-to-4 majority ruling penned by Justice Samuel Alito that upheld Arizona laws prohibiting out-of-precinct voting and criminalizing the collection of mail-in ballots by third parties.
In the meantime, hundreds of lawyers have resigned from the Justice Department, repelled by Trump’s reactionary policies. As The New York Times has reported, the exodus has been especially felt hard at the department’s civil rights division, whose mission Trump has transformed from one of opposing voter suppression to stamping out phony claims of rampant election fraud.
All of this is happening step by step, setting the stage for what could turn out to be the final chapter for American democracy. Not only is it not too early to start thinking about the midterms, it may already be too late.