Last week, I attended a reunion of "The 51st State," a robust, local
public television news and public affairs program that graced the
airwaves of New York City's Channel Thirteen back in the early 1970's.
I didn't have the pleasure of working on the show -- it went off the
air shortly after my arrival in Manhattan -- but a lot of my friends
and colleagues did, and it was a treat to see all of them again.
The reason for the gathering was the launch of an effort by Thirteen to
rescue and restore old videotape from its four-and-a-half decade past.
Better late than never. Over the years, as a frequent public television
writer/producer and a sometime television historian, I've bemoaned the
loss of thousands of hours of videotape, significant history, much of
it erased or simply tossed into dumpsters.
Clips were shown from old "51st State" broadcasts, eliciting hoots of
recognition, laughter, pride and not a few tears. What we saw was a
raucous, lively, offbeat, iconoclastic, funny, rough and tumble TV
program, a newscast not unlike the city it covered but totally unlike
any local television news show since.
That's a pity, and its says volumes not only about the current state of
local TV news but the state of public broadcasting in America, which
has perpetually struggled to recapture the spirit of its early days;
the ragged-edge innovation, willingness to take risks, the opportunity
for all kinds of people to participate in the creation of programming
that reflected a panoply of their interests and concerns.
The problem, of course, is financing. The old joke in public
broadcasting: the good news is, you've got partial funding; the bad
news is, you've got partial funding.
There are wonderful, probing public television series such as
"Frontline," "NOW," "P.O.V." and "Wide Angle." "The Newshour with Jim
Lehrer," in its 32nd year, continues to provide valuable perspective on
the issues of the day. The kids' shows and science and history
documentaries can't be beat. And National Public Radio is a true news
organization, not just covering stories but uncovering them, large and
small, all over the world.
But when you look at the primetime schedules of many PBS stations
across the country there's a lot of dead air. Like the World War II
cargo ship in "Mister Roberts," the programs sail "from tedium to
apathy and back again, with an occasional side trip to monotony." There
are all too many nights and weeks of pledge drives filled with
self-help lectures, doo-wop concerts and the Best of the Andy Williams
Christmas specials.
With that quest for money comes fear. Not only fear that there won't be
enough, but the fear of offending the funder, whether it be the public,
corporations, foundations or government; of saying or doing something
that will prompt the hand that feeds to shut off the nourishment or
meddle with and censor programming. That, in turn, leads to what may be
the worst kind of censorship: self-censorship, a preemptive,
self-inflicted blow to stave off the clenched fist of the funder.
Over the last couple of years, we saw grievous attempts at government
interference on the part of Ken Tomlinson, a conservative Bush
appointee who, as a board member and chairman of the Corporation for
Public Broadcasting (CPB), which administers the Federal financing of
public broadcasting, illegally paid for the monitoring of public
broadcasting's alleged ideological content and attempted to influence
programming.
Now Tomlinson is gone, and not only from CPB. Just a couple of weeks
ago he informed the president he was withdrawing his name for another
term as chair of the Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG), which
oversees government-financed, international broadcast operations such
as Voice of America and Radio Marti.
As Variety reported January 10, "Last year, an inspector general's
report by the State Dept. -- BBG's parent agency -- criticized
Tomlinson for inappropriately putting a friend on the BBG payroll and
for using BBG time and resources to conduct his private horse racing
business and to bet on horses." With the new Democratic Congress,
Senate confirmation of Tomlinson would have been tough sledding at best.
He soon may be forgotten by most (although, fair warning, he's writing
a book), but Tomlinson's legacy is far from gone. Last summer, to
replace Tomlinson as a Corporation for Public Broadcasting board
member, President Bush named conservative television executive Warren
Bell, a sitcom producer who has frequently contributed material to the
right-wing National Review's website. There he once wrote that he would
"reach across the aisle and hug Nancy Pelosi... except this is a new
shirt, and that sort of thing leaves a stain." (After his nomination to
CPB, he apologized.)
The Senate Commerce, Science and Transportation Committee rejected
Bell's nomination, but after Congress adjourned in December, amidst the
distraction of the holidays, President Bush placed Bell on the board
anyway, using his power to make recess appointments when Congress isn't
in session.
(More on Bell specifically and recess appointments in general next
week.)
Perhaps the media watch group Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR)
is right: maybe the $400 million public broadcasting receives from the
government via CPB is too great a price to pay for the muzzling of
vision, creativity and controversy.
The current situation cries out for the creation of a long-dreamed-of
trust fund for public broadcasting, free of partisan interference from
either side. We should go to Congress and the American people for one
big push: the pledge drive to, quite literally, end all pledge drives.
Quixotic, perhaps, but watching those vibrant clips from the old "51st
State" last week reminded me that we have strayed woefully far from the
original vision of what public broadcasting was supposed to be. A
national trust fund may be the only option left.
Michael Winship, Writers Guild of America Award winner and former
writer with Bill Moyers, writes this weekly column for the Messenger
Post Newspapers in upstate New York.
Copyright 2007 Messenger Post Newspapers / Michael Winship
###